HISTORY OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS – CHAPTER 11

1836 Political position of the Chiefs and Mission – Mr. Richards' agency to the United States Employment of foreigners – Further history of the Jesuits Arrival of the French sloop-of-war Bonite – H. B. M. S. Alteon – Lord Edward Russell – Diplomatic intercourse Treaties – Return of priests from California, 1837 – Ordered on board the Clementine – Abandoned to government – Burning of the flag by English consul –  Armed interference of Captains Belcher, of the Sulphur, and Du Petit Thouars, of the Venus frigate – Account of official intercourse – Treaty negotiated – Arrival of Imogene frigate – Another arrival of priests  – Sent away – Edict against Romanism – Further persecution –  Religious toleration proclaimed by the king, 17th June, 1839 – Proceeding of foreign residents at Honolulu – Admixture of religious and political movements of the French in the Pacific – Policy – Arrival of L'Artemise frigate, Laplace commander – Blockade of the port of Honolulu – Manifesto – Demands – Agreed to – History of commercial treaty Interview with king – Arrival of French bishop – Fresh difficulties incited, 1842 – Visit and demands of the corvette L'Embuscade, Captaia Mallet, September

A new era was now dawning. The missionaries had carried forward the nation to a certain point, when it became necessary for new influences to operate, that their work of civilizing as well as evangelizing might be completed. The religious movement in one sense had fulfilled its task. Sixteen years had elapsed since the idols were overthrown. In that time, Christianity had made rapid progress, until the entire nation owned its sway. Pulpits, schools and mission stations were scattered over the land. Idolatry, infanticide, licentiousness, intoxication, murder, the worst features of heathenism, which, by its standard, half partook of the character of virtues, had been successively vanquished. The strenuous opposition to the progress of the Gospel was gradually changing its character, and settling into a political animosity to the chiefs. Laws, people and government partook of the puritanical caste of their religious teachers. Without exaggeration, the nation may now be said to have been Christianized; that is, their faith was fixed in Jehovah, and the principles of the revealed Gospel were their professed guide. To advance further, the religious reformation must operate on individuals, by regenerating their lives and implanting pure motives of action. Vice must now be attacked in detail rather than in the mass. The public sentiment, however unsound at heart, had adopted the standard of the cross. The impression made upon the world by this religious conquest was great. Christendom resounded with the triumph. It recalled the days of the primitive bishops, when Papal Rome in the infancy of her power sent forth her heralds throughout heathen Europe, and nations were born to her sway as in a day. This was the work of Protestantism in the nineteenth century, and its example has been the most active stimulant to modern missions. But while it had done so much for Hawaiians, it had left undone much equally as essential for their preservation as a nation. It had carried them to a certain height and bade them spread their wings and soar aloft. It was too soon. Christianity it is true had spread its healing balm over limbs lacerated with sin, and as with the touch of its author, the sick had risen and walked. But new evils had sprung up new relations were now to be provided for and new foes to be fought.

Much as the Hawaiians had acquired in the art of self-government, they were ignorant of political government considered in its foreign relations. Exposed as they were to the machinations of malcontent foreigners exciting treason among subjects becoming more known yearly to the civilized world and incurring the responsibilities incident to national existence, aiming at carrying out to an advanced civilization the experiment which Christianity had commenced, and desirous of appearing among the family of nations, it became requisite that they should lay the foundations of their new polity on sure and enlightened grounds. Ignorant themselves, they were obliged to look to others for knowledge. Versed in theology, with sacred history on their tongues' ends, they were as yet unacquainted with the practical science of international government and the axioms of political economy. Who should instruct them? The missionaries were debarred by their patrons in the United States from incurring the charge of moving in political matters from following the example of the Jesuits and creating at once a church and state. This was a good rule so far as the clergymen were concerned, for excellence in religious polemics or single-heartedness in faith, by no means argued skill in the management of a state, or a practical knowledge of men. But having been instrumental in bringing the nation to a position where a new order of talents was as necessary for it to advance in its career as that of the past had been to save it from destruction by its own weight of vices, it was due it to provide the necessary pilots for the new sea on which it had been launched. Roman Catholicism never hesitates, when opportunity offers, to merge the church and state into one power; but she provides agents skilled for the work. Not so modern Protestantism. Its policy has been to convert; to make spiritual conquests, and leave the state to its own resources. This is right where talent and knowledge exist. But where the entire overthrowing of the past is necessary for the welfare of the future, it is indispensable that instruction and influence should be felt throughout, if the work is to be completed. In 1836, the chiefs were as much children in the science of government, as understood among civilized states, as in 1820, they were blind to the morality of the sermon on the mount. Troubles were thickening around them. They turned instinctively to the missionaries for advice. This was rather implied than given; no one could be found in the face of the principles professed sufficiently bold or confident in his own ability to meet the emergency, and proclaim himself at once the steward of souls and the adviser of the state. Had such an one appeared, if his talents and experience had been equal to the case, however great the outcry which would have followed from those interested in continuing the chiefs in darkness and from those who saw evils in such a junction, it cannot now be doubted but that great and serious evils would have been saved the nation. But an Ximenes or a Cromwell did not exist on Hawaii. Providence destined the nation to run its career through feebler agencies.

The chiefs, fully sensible of their political wants, sent by Mr. Richards, in 1836, to the United States to procure a suitable person to fill the situation of legal adviser and teacher in the new policy circumstances were forcing upon them. In this they were backed by the opinion of the mission, who desirous of preserving themselves from the responsibility, would gladly have seen it in able and disinterested hands. The wants of the chiefs were fully appreciated by the American Board, but nothing was effected. Individuals of talent, by the time they have acquired the experience suitable for such a post, which in its real effect, would have been equivalent to the supreme direction of public affairs, generally have fixed themselves in permanent relations at home. With all the modern fervor in the cause of missions, and the very many excellent discourses yearly uttered from pulpits, we rarely see entire disinterestedness manifested in the middle-aged those who have known the world and tasted its goods, however prepared they may be by these very qualifications for the posts they so industriously urge upon others. The path of novelty, sacrifice, enterprise and benevolence is rarely filled by any except the young and enthusiastic. That the chiefs relying on the philanthropy of any experienced public man to have complied with their request should have failed, is what might reasonably have been anticipated. A young man, ambitious of the influence if not of the actual power of a Peter the Great or an Alfred, on a petty scale, might readily have been found, but the chiefs were suspicious of youth. Desiring age and experience, they should have offered a salary equivalent to some of the highest posts in the United States. On such a contingency few objections would have been found unanswerable. The path of duty would have been opened to many blind to all other considerations. This is human nature as we see it in the pulpit and on the bench. In every position it requires its motive power.

It is said that the Honorable Theo. L. Frelinghuysen was invited to become the adviser of the chiefs, but declined. At all events Mr. Richards was wholly unsuccessful. On his return, the position of the chiefs being none the less embarrassing, compelled them to apply to the mission for aid. Without any definite action of their body, then commenced that system which by the natural course of events has led to the direct employment of several of their number having first been disconnected from their ranks in the service of the government. Foreigners were required in public affairs. The chiefs chose those on whom they could most rely; and whatever may have been their errors of judgment, the result has shown that they were not mistaken in relying upon their zeal and fidelity; and it may well be doubted whether, at that time, the kingdom furnished men more suitable from knowledge and experience with the people and foreigners, to administer to its wants. The history of the policy they adopted will be traced to the period of its present development.

The mission and their seceders were united in their views to build up a nation of Hawaiians distinct from all foreign influence. The following resolutions, taken from the missionary minutes for 1838, show the just views entertained at this date:

" 1st. Resolved, That though the system of government in the Sandwich Islands has, since the commencement of the reign of Liholiho, been greatly improved through the influence of Christianity and the introduction of written and printed laws and (he salutary agency of Christian chiefs, has proved a great blessing to the people; still, the system is so very imperfect for the management of the affairs of a civilized and virtuous nation, as to render it of great importance that correct views of the rights and duties of rulers and subjects, and of the principles of jurisprudence and political economy, should be held up before the king and the members of the national council.

2d. Resolved, That it is the duty of missionaries to teach the doctrine that rulers should be just, ruling in the fear of God, seeking the best good of their nation, demanding no more of subjects as such, than the various ends of the government may justly require; and if church members among them violate the commands of God, they should he admonished with the same faithfulness and tenderness as their dependants.

3d. Resolved, That rulers in power are so by the providence of God, and in an important sense by the will or consent of the people, and ought not to resign r shrink from the cares and responsibilities of their offices’ therefore teachers of religion ought carefully to guard the subjects against contempt for the authority f their rulers, or any evasion or resistance of government orders, unless they plainly set at defiance the commands of God.

4th. Resolved, That the resources of the nation are at its own disposal for its defense, improvement and perfection, and subjects ought to be taught to feel that a portion of their time and services, their property or earnings, may rightfully be required by the sovereign or national council for the support of government, in all its branches and departments, and that it is a Christian duty to render honor, obedience, fear, custom and tribute to whom they are due, as taught in the 13th of Romans, and that the sin of disloyalty which tends to confusion, anarchy and ruin, deserves reproof as really and as promptly as that of injustice on the part of rulers or any other violation of the commands of God.

5th. Resolved, That while rulers should be allowed to do what they will with their own, or with what they have a right to demand, we ought to encourage the security of the right of subjects also to do what they will with their own, provided they render to Caesar his due.

6th. Resolved, That rulers ought to be prompted to direct their efforts to the promotion of general intelligence and virtue as a grand means of removing the existing evils of the system, gradually defining and limiting by equitable laws the rights and duties of all classes, that thus by improving rather than revolutionizing the government, its administration may become abundantly salutary, and the hereditary rulers receive no detriment but corresponding advantage.

7th. Resolved, That to remove the improvidence and imbecility of the people, and promote the industry, wealth and happiness of the nation, it is the duty of the mission to urge mainly the motives to loyalty, patriotism, social kindness and general benevolence; but while on the one hand he should not condemn their artificial wants, ancient or modern, because they depend on fancy, or a taste aot refined, he should on the other endeavor to encourage and multiply such as will enlist their energies, call forth ingenuity, enterprise and patient industry, and give scope for enlarged plans of profitable exertion, which, if well directed, would clothe the population in beautiful cottons, fine linen and silk, and their arable fields with rich and various productions suited to the climate 5 would adorn the land with numerous comfortable, substantial habitations, made pleasant by elegant furniture, cabinets and libraries , with permanent and well endowed school houses and seminaries; large, commodious and durable churches, and their seas and harbors with ships owned by natives, sufficient to export to other countries annually the surplus products of their soil, which may at no rery distant period amount to millions.

8th. Resolved, That we deem it proper for members of this mission to devote a portion of their time to instructing the natives into the best method of cultivating their lands, and of raising flocks and herds, and of turning the various products of the country to the best advantage, for the maintenance of their families, the support of government and of schools, and the institutions of the Gospel and its ministers, at Rome and abroad."

Notwithstanding the banishment of the Jesuits, and the entire suppression of their partisans, as a political party, a powerful influence was at work to recall them. The mechanics left behind, acted as catechists and served to keep alive the embers of the faith among the few native converts. Charlton, still active in the cause, corresponded with the exiles. In 1835, the Pope sent them a brief, exhorting them to persevere in the attempt at Oahu. The party was strengthened by the arrival of a Mr. Robert Walsh, an Irish priest, educated at Paris. He landed at Honolulu the 30th of September, 1S36. As soon as his clerical character was known, he was required to leave, but obtained permission to remain until the arrival of H. B. M. ship Acteon, Lord Edward Russell, commander, who was daily expected. On the 7th of October, Mr. Walsh was officially informed that he would not be allowed to remain permanently. The day succeeding, the French sloop-of-war Bonite, Captain Vaillant, arrived; and he was immediately waited upon to engage his influence in his favor. Seconded by the assertions of the English consul, who claimed the privilege of his being allowed to remain regardless of his profession, M. Vaillant procured permission for him, with the proviso that he should make no attempts to propagate his religion. This, Mr. Walsh confesses in his correspondence with his employers, he violated whenever it could be safely done. The Acteon arrived on the 23d, and the Bonite sailed the ensuing day. Captain Russell, prejudiced by the ex parte statements of the English consul, actively interfered in behalf of the Romish priests. Captain Jones, of the Peacock, in 1826, had first set the example of negotiating a treaty with the Hawaiian government, in which the rights of the subjects of both countries were generally defined. Defective as it was in some important points, it had been of eminent utility; though individual instances had occurred in which it had been held up to the native government as a bugbear, by which advantages or selfish interests, not contemplated in its spirit, might be secured. Violations of treaties, breaking the laws of nations, visits of avenging men-of-war, had been so often uttered, that they had lost their meaning; and it would not have been surprising if, in the constant efforts to entangle them, the native authorities should have given some occasion of complaint. The discussions which had arisen from time to time, on account of alleged grievances, particularly when Commodore Kennedy, of the United States East India squadron, was present, in 1836, had gradually enlarged their ideas of a national polity, and given them a better understanding of the laws of nations, though their knowledge was of an extent calculated to render them more timid than bold, or perhaps wavering in action though firm in policy. Those commanders who have acted with justice and moderation, and by impartial decisions gained the good will of the high minded of the foreigners, as well as that of the natives, have invariably been followed by the sneers and abuse of those who had sought their aid to prosecute unjust claims, or had endeavored to infuse their partial views into their minds.

In Captain Russell, that party found a man accessible to their views. It was thought a favorable opportunity to secure a treaty, in which the most favorable terms should be inserted. The attempt was made; a definite period for its signature was insisted upon; and at the end of that time, if it were not received, the frigate was to coerce them by her guns. Whatever influence these threats may have had, the document which was finally signed, fully confirmed the government in all their legal rights, while it placed upon a firmer basis usages of English subjects which had heretofore been only tacitly admitted. It is probable that neither Lord Russell nor the consul dared risk the displeasure of their government by any act which, in its official bearing, should manifest gross injustice. The point on which the Hawaiian government would yield the least, was that on which the principle of their internal polity was based, the unalienable tenure of the soil. Foreign wealth and property had greatly increased’ much of it was in houses or farms, occupying lands which had been the gifts of friendship from various chiefs, or the reward of services. In all such cases they argued that they were held on the same principle as those of their own subjects; and were incapable of transmission. The "Indian gift" was but for the occupancy or lifetime of the possessor or the will of the donor. Disputes had arisen in consequence, and innovations constantly occurred, by which some lands came to be held in perpetuity by foreigners, while all wished to obtain a like concession. Houses had been demolished and removed upon the departure of the occupants, and the lands reverted to the chiefs. A few leases had been obtained, but no representative value received; foreigners were desirous of obtaining tracts suitable for extended agricultural enterprises. The importance of developing the resources of the soil was fully acknowledged by the chiefs, but the fear of losing their legal control, by yielding the right of cultivation, was a stronger motive. It was a subject which had been already a source of much vexation, and at this time their ideas were not sufficiently enlightened to enable them to comprehend the distinction between deeding the right of soil, and retaining the sovereignty. Consequently, Lord Russell was only able to obtain the recognition of the privilege to sell or transfer, with the consent of the king. The important clause was also formally inserted, that English subjects should be permitted to reside on the islands only so long as they conformed to the laws. Notwithstanding this provision, which was agreed to in full knowledge of the edict against Romanism, Walsh, supported by the consul, although detected in violating his agreement, refused to leave. He was forbidden to open the chapel. Information had been sent the priests at California that the moment for them to return was opportune; that the king had pledged himself to Captain Vaillant to protect them, and that the treaty made by Lord Russell would effectually cover the landing of Short. It appears they doubted of their success; for it was agreed that Short should land secretly, and after continuing for some time in concealment, claim the right of stopping under the provision of the treaty which allowed English subjects freely to land and remain, but contained, in the same paragraph, the sentence, " with the consent of the king," which the English consul in all cases studiously disguised. Bachelot was to attempt to land openly; if prevented, to hold intercourse with the natives from the vessels in the harbor, and if unable to effect this, to leave for the South Pacific. They arrived at Honolulu on the 17th of April, 1837, in the brigantine Clementine, faring English colors, though the property of Jules Dudoit, a Frenchman. She had been chartered by an American for the voyage to California. Upon their landing much excitement prevailed. Kekuanaoa, governor of Oahu, ordered the captain of the brig to receive them on board. He refused, saying he had no control over the vessel. The owner was next applied to; he declined to receive them, except by their own desire; in case they were forced on board, he said that he should abandon his vessel and look to his government for redress. He also stated that as the brigantine was chartered, he exercised no control over her movements. An order was sent the priests on the 19th to prepare to depart.

HONOLULU, OAHU, April 19, 1837.

 

This is what I have to say to the Frenchmen.

 

This is my opinion to both of you, who were sent away before from these islands, that you are forbidden by our chiefs to come here; this is the reason I asked you if you intended to live here. The answer you made was "no; we intend to stop here for a few days until we can obtain a vessel to carry us from here." I replied, "when you get a vessel go quickly." This is what I say to both of you, from this time prepare yourselves to depart in the same vessel in which you arrived; when the vessel is ready, both of you are to go without delay.

 

M. KEKUANAOA.

The king was absent at Maui, where he and Kinau had recently gone to deposit the remains of his sister, who died December 31, 1836, to the great grief of the nation. She was equally beloved by foreigners and subjects, to all of whom she had endeared herself by her sweetness of disposition. Leleiohoku, the son and heir of Kalaimoku, was her husband. One child had resulted from their union, which, if it had lived, would have been heir to the throne. His majesty received a dispatch from Kekuanaoa on the 26th, informing him of the recent events. The decision of the governor was confirmed, and on the 29th, a proclamation issued, declaring the perpetual banishment of the priests.*

PROCLAMATION. Ye strangers all from foreign lands who are in my dominions, both residents and those recently arrived, I make known my word to you all, that you may understand my orders.

 

The men of France whom Kaahumanu banished, are under the same unaltered order up to this period. The rejection of these men is perpetual, confirmed by me at the present time. I will not assent to their remaining in my dominions.

 

These are my orders to them, that they go back immediately on board the vessel on which they have come; that they stay on board her till that vessel on board which they came sails; that is to me clearly right, but their abiding here I do not wish. I have no desire that the service of the missionaries who follow the Pope should be performed in my kingdom, not at all.

 

Wherefore, all who shall be encouraging the Papal missionaries, I shall regard as enemies to me, to my counselors, to my chiefs, to my people, and to my kingdom.

 

(Signed,) KAMEHAMEHA III.

They were required to return to the Clementine, and Kinau arrived at Honolulu to enforce the edict. The priests resolutely refused to go. The Clementine had been made ready for another voyage. It was resolved to put the priests on board, and compel them to depart in her. Officers were deputed to see them off; on the 20th of May, two days before the appointed time of sailing, they waited upon them with the orders of government. Bachelot inquired if force would be used; they replied that they were to be compelled, if any resistance was experienced. The priests then drew up formal protests against the violence before the English consul, who had been active in urging them to this opposition. Endeavoring to excite the passions of the constables appointed to conduct them on board, to some act which should appear like outrage and implicate their rulers, he told them the vessel was taboo, and that any one who approached her would be shot; adding "come on, come on! you are cowards!" Several hours were consumed in preparation, and at three o'clock, P.M., the police informed the priests it was time to leave. They were conducted to the wharf. The priests, before stepping into the boat, induced the officer in charge to touch them, that the appearance of force might be made more apparent. Arriving at the Clementine, they were ordered off by the mate in charge. M. Dudoit then hurried on board, and the boat arriving the second time, thinking that sufficient opposition had been shown, hauled down his flag, and permitted the embarkation of the priests. He ordered the crew ashore, and carried the flag to Charlton, who, as a finale to this preconcerted farce of ineffectual resistance to the tyranny of the chiefs, publicly burned it, for fear, as he stated, the natives should tear it to pieces, of which there was not the slightest intimation. M. Dudoit then made a protest, stating that the Clementine had been forcibly seized by the Hawaiian government, claiming heavy damages. They had now secured the consummation so devoutly wished for, and so cunningly devised. With right and justice on their side, the chiefs had impolitically allowed themselves to be ensnared; not that any act of which they had been guilty was a violation of the rights of others, for it was but a lawful enforcement of the supremacy of their own; but knowing the duplicity of those they had to deal with and their own weakness, it would have been better to have submitted for a while to their machinations, and appealed for justice to the good sense of their respective governments.

Three powers were now interested the French, English and American; for the property on board belonged to a citizen of the United States, who was anxious to secure an award sufficient to make a good sale of it. A great flourish was made by the consuls of the ready action of their governments, and the prompt vengeance which would ensue. A weekly paper,* which had been established the year before, under their control, from that period became an organ of virulent abuse of the government, missionaries, and their patrons, and strongly supported the measures of the priests. By its misstatements numbers of benevolent individuals abroad were led to suppose that a furious persecution of the Romanists existed, and that the government set at defiance all international law. Hence their sympathies were unintentionally enlisted against a much wronged people.

On the 7th of July the English surveying sloop Sulphur, Captain Belcher, arrived. Influenced altogether by the English consul, the captain demanded the release of Mr. Short, and threatened, in case of refusal, to land him by force. Kinau urged him to investigate the matter, but he declared that he was obliged "to follow the statements of the consul." On the 10th, the French frigate Venus, commanded by Du Petit Thouars, anchored off the port. He united with Belcher in a demand for the instant liberation of the priests. This not being obtained, a body of marines from the Sulphur was sent to the Clementine’ thence, under their escort, the priests proceeded to the shore, the commanders of the men-of-war attending them to their former residence. The English flag was then re-hoisted on the Clementine, which, by the order of Captain Belcher, was despatched to Maui, for the king.

His majesty arrived on the 20th, and on the next day an audience took place. The two commanders refused to admit the interpretations of Mr. Bingham, who had been selected by the king for that purpose. Mr. Andrews, of the mission, was then chosen, with their approbation, and Mr. Bingham retired to the back part of the room. One of the foreign officers present crowded him back against the wall; upon stepping aside to avoid this, he received a violent blow from a movement of the elbow of the individual who so determinedly insulted him. One of the council separated them, and a file of armed men was ordered in by the king. Another officer drew his sword partly from its scabbard, and stepping up to Mr. Bingham, said, menacingly, "Do you see that?" According to the testimony of Mr. Short, Captain Belcher threatened to hang Bingham to the yard-arm of his vessel; though another authority relates that he merely said that if any of his men were injured in doing their duty, he would be the first man he should seize. These instances serve to show the virulence with which his enemies had been enabled to inspire acquaintances of but few days standing. Mr. Bingham enjoyed the confidence of the chiefs, and was devoted to the cause in which he had embarked. He had the reputation of much more active interference in political matters than he actually possessed.

His opinions however given, undoubtedly carried with them great weight among the native population. The want of a responsible, intelligent adviser had never been more felt than at this juncture.

From his long residence at Honolulu, Mr. Bingham had acquired a prominence in the affairs of the mission, which had drawn upon his head, in particular, the obloquy, calumnies and deepest hatred of the opposing party. On him was showered their wit, sarcasm, insinuations and falsities; his private and public character assailed, and all that detraction could effect, done to ruin him. He withstood the storm with a firmness, mingled with forbearance, that gained him the respect of the unprejudiced, while his warm affections and sincerity strongly attached him to those who knew him intimately. But it must be acknowledged, he possessed a tenacity of opinion and a sectarian zeal, which at times separated him- in some degree from his friends, and marred his usefulness. The language and conduct of the English consul was in accordance with his character, supported by the presence of commanders pliable to his will. He bullied and stormed, and finally shook his fist in Kinau's face. After a weary discussion of eight hours, it was conceded that the priests should remain until an opportunity for their leaving offered; the respective commanders pledging themselves mutually for their countrymen, that they should conform to the laws while they remained.*

HONOLULU, July 21, 1837.

 

The undersigned, captain of the ship, commander of the French frigate La Venus, promises in the name of Mr. Bachelot, that he will seize the first favorable opportunity which offers to quit these islands, to go either to Manila, Lima, Valparaiso, or any civilized part of the world; and in case such an one is not presented, on the arrival of the first French man-of-war which visits these islands, he shall be received on board. In the meantime, Mr. Bachelot shall not preach.

 

A. DU PETIT THOUARS, Post Captain, Commanding French Frigate La Venus. Captain Belcher signed a similar one in behalf of Mr. Short.

By these documents, it is evident that they assented to the demand of the government, that they had a right to keep from their border individuals of any nation dangerous to the state. In every instance where the chiefs were enabled to obtain a hearing, even tinder the most unfavorable circumstances, this right was conceded.

On the 23d, the king consented to the following interpretation of the Russell treaty, which, although it justly modified, did not alter its general tenor:

HONOLULU, July 23, 1837.

BY KAMEHAMEHA III, King of the Sandwich Islands:

 

We consent to the interpretation you desire, on the first article of the treaty made with Lord Edward Russell, in "conformity with the laws of nations."

 

And, in the event of finding it necessary to exert the power " of refusal to admit a subject of Great Britain," we will grant a fair trial, and give satisfactory reasons for our act, of which due notice shall be given to the consul of his majesty the King of Great Britain.

 

(Signed,) KAMEHAMEHA.

Captain Du Petit Thouars negotiated the following articles in behalf of his government:

HONOLULU, SANDWICH ISLES, July 24, 1837.

 

There shall be perpetual peace and amity between the French and the inhabitants of the Sandwich Isles.

 

The French shall go and come freely in all the states which compose the government of the Sandwich Isles. They shall be received and protected there, and shall enjoy the same advantages which the subjects of the most favored nations enjoy.

 

Subjects of the King of the Sandwich Isles shall equally come into France, shall be received and protected there as the most favored foreigners.

 

(Signed,) KAMEHAMEHA III.

A. DU PETIT THOUARS, Captain, Commander of the French frigate La Venus.

They are remarkable for their brevity, and may be called a compendium of previous treaties. It is important fully to understand the nature of this, as it is asserted that it gave the unqualified right for Frenchmen to reside within the kingdom’ it is evident that they were to receive simply the same advantages as the most favored nation. England then stood in that light, and the right of expelling obnoxious persons, for "satisfactory reasons," had been fully conceded. Thouars had acknowledged, by his bond for the departure of Bachelot, that individuals of his profession were of the character described by the government, and their full authority to proscribe the teachings of Romanism. All other Frenchmen enjoyed the fullest protection and hospitality, yet for an alleged violation of their privileges, the vengeance of France was afterwards poured upon the devoted chiefs. M. Dudoit was appointed as French agent on the part of France, in which capacity he fulfilled the duties of consul, with the approbation of his government. On the 24th July, both vessels sailed without exchanging the usual national courtesies.

The 24th of September following, H. B. M. frigate Imogene, Captain Bruce, arrived. Previous to leaving Valparaiso, some priests had applied to him for a passage to Oahu; this he refused, and advised them not to attempt to force themselves into the country. It was known that they were on their way, and M. Dudoit endeavored to induce Captain Bruce to interpose with the chiefs to allow them to land, which he declined. Desirous of not further involving themselves with France, the government sought his advice in regard to the interpretation of the treaty of Thouars. He frankly told them its true meaning, and of which not a doubt can exist. No nation has a right to force its creed, its laws or its language upon another. To be done at all it must be by conquest. The government of the Hawaiian Islands had received, after a close scrutiny, the forms of a faith which it found well adapted to its circumstances. Wisely or not, it had been voluntarily chosen, and was now warmly cherished. At this epoch, when through its instrumentality, the nation was rapidly advancing to a respectable footing, and its aggregate wealth, morals and civilization increasing, it desired simply " to be let alone." But France, deceived by the falsehoods of its internal foes, lent herself to a party which honest minds recoiled from in disgust’ and her artillery was destined to effect what combined Jesuitism, treachery and disloyalty had been unable to accomplish.

Mr. Short sailed for Valparaiso October 30th. Three days afterward the ship Europa arrived, with M. Maigret, pro-vicar of the Roman Catholic bishop of Nilopolis, who was the head of the newly-formed see of Oceanica. The native authorities, having received information of the presence of Maigret, gave orders to the pilot not to bring the ship to anchor. Permission was finally granted to bring her into the harbor; the owner being bound over by the sum of ten thousand dollars not to permit the landing of the priest.

M. Maigret (Annals de le Propagation de la Foi, 1840,) says, "Governor Kekuanaoa was surprised or entrapped [surprit] into granting permission to enter the port. It is amusing to see with what boldness the author of the supplement to the Sandwich Islands Mirror denies all attempts at evasion of their designs, and claims for his party throughout perfect ingenuousness, while the priests themselves, in their published accounts, unhesitatingly declare the various pretexts made use of for purposes of deception. It is unfortunate for their cause that so much discrepancy should have appeared between these witnesses in their behalf. Any one desirous of verifying this remark, need but to refer to the pamphlet in question, and the Annals above mentioned.

 

Maigret says, after Kekuanaoa had been "deceived" by others in relation to his profession, he asked him personally whether he was a priest. "I answered," he writes, "at once, and with a frankness which displeased some persons, but I could not betray my conscience to please them."

Various subterfuges were employed to procure the desired object; the old story was repeated that he was to remain only transitorily, and had come to secure passage to the Marquesas group. This plea was the more inconsistent, as it was well known that he had just left Tahiti, where intercourse with those islands was common, while from Oahu it was of rare occurrence. M. Dudoit, who was active in his endeavors to secure his landing, would give no pecuniary security for his departure, or settle upon any definite period beyond which his stay should not be protracted. It was evident that it was only an attempt at the renewal of the scenes of the previous year, and the chiefs determined to nip the conspiracy in the bud. Captains Thouars and Vaillant had both assented to the justice of their exclusion; consequently the threats of M. Dudoit, in regard to a violation of the prerogatives of his countrymen, did not alter their intention.

Finding it impossible to tamper longer with the government, Messrs. Bachelot and Maigret purchased a schooner, which they intended for the service of their stations in the South Pacific. The captain of the Europa received permission to embark his passenger on board their vessel; two thousand dollars fine and imprisonment were to be the penalties, should Maigret attempt to escape on shore. On the 23d of November, the priests sailed. Bachelot, who was in feeble health, died on the 4th of December, and was buried at Ascension.

Walsh was the only priest left; his outward conformation to the laws was, probably, the motive by which he was allowed to remain.

The chiefs desirous of bringing their complaints directly before the cabinets of London and Washington, addressed petitions to the King of Great Britain and the President of the United States, relative to the factious course of their consuls. The former was without avail – the latter had the effect to cause the removal of Jones, and the appointment of Mr. P. A. Brinsmade, a friendly merchant residing at Honolulu.

THE PETITION OF KAMEHAMEHA III. AND HIS CHIEFS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA -.

 

 We the said chiefs of the Sandwich Islands salute you, desiring to confirm the good understanding in these islands with American citizens, when they come into this kingdom, in the same manner as with citizens of every other country. And we esteem and honor your people, because we have heard that our people are cherished there, dwelling under the laws and regulations of the country in peace. Likewise we protect people of your country, who are dwelling orderly, with obedience to the laws and regulations. Let us be regarded with favor, for we are a little nation, and ignorant also, like an infant amidst the continents, and we greatly desire to learn. Moreover, the teachers from your country are teaching us, and that the good understanding may be perpetual, we write to you with amity respecting a certain matter which we would not mention but because of our necessity and straightened circumstances, we think it proper to declare and make known to you as follows:

 

The dwelling of a certain man, Mr. J. C. Jones, at this place, Honolulu, Oahu, as American Consul.

 

We thought he was a good and just man when he was appointed to the office, but in the performance of its functions we have been disappointed, for he is a person who indulges an intriguing disposition and contempt of us, and we cannot depend upon his advice. He opposes us, and prejudices the minds of strangers and natives against us, by misrepresentation. He treats our laws with contempt, and violates some of them, and supports other persons in doing the same.

 

And these things which have been stated to you, and you have now seen, we declare with truth and amity to you. We are sorry to state these things, but we cannot suppress them that they be unknown; therefore, we make them known respecting the said person. And if you can set aside this man, and place a good man in his stead, we shall be gratified.

 

Signed, Kamehameha III., Kaahumanu II., Hoapili, Hoapiliwahine, Kekauluohi, Kekuanaoa, Paki. Honolulu, November, 1837.

Kinau died April 4th, 1839, and was succeeded by her.sister, Kekauluohi, acting for Victoria, infant daughter of Kinau, to whom her office and title, by custom, descended.

Effectually to forbid the introduction of the faith from which so much trouble had ensued, a severe ordinance, covering all grounds upon which it had been attempted, had been issued in December, 1837. The will of the chiefs in this respect, was the more confirmed as the opposition increased. A number of their subjects were arrested and confined for their adherence to the doctrines of the priests. They manifested a dogged obstinacy to the authorities, and a contumely which brought upon them unnecessary severities. They considered themselves of a separate party, and rigidly incorporated their religion with their politics, hoping for the final overthrow of the government. They were few, ignorant and powerless; the menials of the governor frequently apprehended them when they were detected in the exercise of their rites, and carried them before him. Whenever these cases were known to the American missionaries, they were made the subject of earnest and successful remonstrance; by their intercession many were released, and the folly and wickedness of persecution, for religious belief, so strongly represented to his majesty, that on the 17th of June, 1839, he issued orders that no more punishments should be inflicted; and that all who were then in confinement should be released. This was done at Lahaina. Previous to its promulgation at Oahu, sixty natives were driven from Waialae to Honolulu.

Most of these were immediately released and returned to their homes. Some, however, were confined in the fort. On the 24th of June, two women were found there, ironed and suffering much from the painful posture in which they had been placed. The governor was absent, but, so states the author of the supplement to the Sandwich Islands Mirror, the foreign "gentlemen succeeded in liberating the prisoners." No inquiries were made of the proper authorities as to the nature of their offences, but they took upon themselves to set aside the municipal law; an illegal procedure, but too common in Honolulu among the opposers of the chiefs. Inhumanity to the innocent or guilty, can never be justified. But benevolence, which is altogether one-sided, cannot be called praiseworthy; the principal of these meddlers had often been instrumental in confining seamen and natives, under circumstances of equal hardship, against whom they professed to have cause of complaint. Here there was an opportunity not to be lost, of proclaiming their charity, at the expense of their neighbors. Blind to the more judicious interposition of the American missionaries, they boldly charged upon them the authorship of a species of prison discipline, on which they had looked calmly, and had actively used when for their own advantage, for twenty years. As unblushingly they boasted of their unwarrantable efforts in effecting the release of the women. One gentleman, who had been witness to their confinement, had, previous to this, hurried to the governor to intercede on their account. On his way he met Mr. Bingham, to whom he related the facts, and begged him to see for himself. Mr. Bingham having heard of the edict of the king, informed him that it was possible they were punished for some criminal act; religious toleration having been proclaimed the week before. To satisfy himself, he waited upon the governor immediately, and informed him of the circumstances. The governor promptly ordered their release, "for their confinement was not by the order of the chiefs."

In the meanwhile, those who had been so active at the fort, proceeded, taking the women with them, to the house of the governor. On their way, they met him; surprised at such a cortege, he remanded the prisoners to the fort, and to the dictatorial tone with which he was addressed, replied, "your business is to take care of your stores; there is the road to them: mine is the government of the island and the fort; and this is my path." Upon receiving this well merited rebuke, they dispersed. It was afterwards charged upon the governor that he was "disposed to be insolent !"

Whatever may be the secret of the influence the agents of Romanism possess in the councils of France, it is certain that, of late years, the French Roman Catholic missions have received efficient support from their government; and in the Pacific, political aggrandizement and religious proselytism have been intimately connected. The priests appeared openly, under the patronage of their nation. Ships of war carried them from one post to another; the military paid deference to the spiritual; the political consequence of their bishops was enforced by arms, and warlike salutes announced their rank. The seizure and occupation of the Marquesan and Tahitian groups have now become matters of history. That the Hawaiian did not fall into the same hands was owing solely to its superior importance and the mutual jealousies of other powers. Every effort was made by their agents to compass a similar result.

The French frigate Artemise, C. Laplace, commander, arrived off Honolulu July 10th, 1839. The purpose of this visit was speedily made known to the Hawaiian government by the following manifesto, addressed to the king, by Captain Laplace, in the name of his government:

"His majesty the king of the French, having commanded me to come to Honolulu in order to put an end, either by force or persuasion, to the ill treatment which the French have been victims at the Sandwich Islands. I hasten, first, to employ this last means as the most conformable to the political, noble and liberal system pursued by France against the powerless; hoping thereby that I shall make the principal chiefs of these islands understand how fatal the conduct which they pursue towards her will be to their interests, and, perhaps, cause disasters to them, and to their country, should they be obstinate in their perseverance. Misled by perfidious counselors, deceived by the excessive indulgence which the French government has extended toward them for several years, they are undoubtedly ignorant how potent it is, and that in the world there is not a power which is capable of preventing it from punishing its enemies; otherwise they would have endeavored to merit its favor, or not to incur its displeasure, as they have done in ill treating the French; they would have faithfully put into execution the treaties, in place of violating them as soon as the fear disappeared, as well as the ships of war which had caused it, whereby bad intentions had been constrained. In fine, they will comprehend that to persecute the Catholic religion, to tarnish it with the name of idolatry, and to expel under this absurd pretext, the French from this archipelago, was to offer an insult to France and to its sovereign.

 

It is, without doubt, the formal intention of France that the king of the Sandwich Islands be powerful, independent of every foreign power, and that he consider her his ally; but she also demands that he conforms to the usages of civilized nations. Now, among the latter, there is not even one which does not permit in its territory the free toleration of all religions; and yet, at the Sandwich Islands, the French are not allowed, publicly, the exercise of theirs, while Protestants enjoy therein the most extensive privileges; for these, all favors for those, the most cruel persecution. Such a state of affairs being contrary to the laws of nations, insulting to those of Catholics, can no longer continue, and I am sent to put an end to it. Consequently, I demand, in the name of my government,

 

1st. That the Catholic worship be declared free throughout all the dominions subject to the king of the Sandwich Islands; that the members of this religious faith shall enjoy in them all the privileges granted to Protestants.

 

2d. That a site for a Catholic church be given by the government at Honolulu, a port frequented by the French, and that this church be ministered by priests of their nation.

 

3d. That all Catholics imprisoned, on account of religion, since the last persecutions extended to the French missionaries, be immediately set at liberty.

 

4th. That the king of the Sandwich Islands deposit in the hands of the captain of the Arternise, the sum of twenty thousand dollars as a guarantee of his future conduct towards France, which sum the government will restore to him when it shall consider that the accompanying treaty will be faithfully complied with.

 

5th. That the treaty signed by the king of the Sandwich Islands, as well as the sum above mentioned, be conveyed on board the frigate Artemise by one of the principal chiefs of the country; and also that the batteries of Honolulu do salute the French flag with twenty one guns, which will be returned by the frigate. These are the equitable conditions, at the price of which the king of the Sandwich Islands shall conserve friendship with France. I am induced to hope that, understanding better how necessary it is for the prosperity of his people, and the preservation of his power, he will remain in peace with the whole world, and hasten to subscribe to them, and thus imitate the laudable example which the queen of Tahiti has given in permitting the free toleration of the Catholic religion in her dominions; but, if contrary to my expectations, it should be otherwise, and the king and principal chiefs of the Sandwich Islands, led on by had counselors, refuse to sign the treaty which I present, war will immediately commence, and all the devastations, all (he calamities which may be the unhappy but necessary results, will be Imputed to themselves alone; and they must also pay the losses which the aggrieved foreigners, in these circumstances, shall have a right to reclaim.

 

The 10th of July (9th, according to date here), 1839. Captain of the French frigate Artemise, (Signed,) C. LAPLACE."

This document is a strange compound of error and falsehood. To declare that free toleration of all religions is permitted in the territories of all civilized nations, was untrue; also that Frenchmen had been persecuted under the plea of their religion. Mr. Short, an English subject, had been sent away with the consent of his government; two French priests, the departure of one of whom had been guaranteed by the highest official authority of their nation that had visited Oahu, had also been sent off. The few remaining Frenchmen who lived at these islands, of whom there were not above four, and the three whaleships which had for two years before alone represented their commerce, had been treated with all the respect and hospitality enjoyed by the most favored nation. The following letter was sent ashore at the same time:

MONSIEUR LE CONSUL:

 

Having been sent by my government to put an end to the ill treatment to which, under the false pretexts of Catholicity, the French have been subjected, for several years, in this archipelago, my intention is to commence hostilities on the 13th of July (which is the 12th of your date), at 12 M., against the king of the Sandwich Islands, should he refuse to accede immediately to the just conditions of the treaty presented by me, the clauses of which I explain in the Manifesto of which I have the honor of sending you a copy. Should this chief, contrary to my expectation, persist in his blindness, or, to express myself more plainly, to foliow the advice of interested counselors, to deceive himself, I shall be constrained, in this case, to employ the strong means of force which I have at my disposition. I consider it my duty to iniorm you, Monsieur le Consul, that I offer asylum and protection, on board the frigate Artemise, to those of your compatriots who may apprehend danger, under these circumstances, on the part of the natives, either for their persons or property.

 

Receive, Monsieur le Consul, the assurances of the very distinguished considerations of your devoted servant. Post Captain, commanding the ship Artemise, C. LAPLACE.

A similar communication was also addressed to the American consul, with this addition:

"I do not, however, include in this class the individuals who, although born, it is said: in the United States, make a part of the Protestant clergy of the chief of this archipelago, direct his councils, influence his conduct, and are the true authors of the insults given by him to France. For me, they compose a part of the native population, and must undergo the unhappy consequences of a war which they shall have brought on this country."

By the tenor of the last, it is uncertain whether Captain Laplace intended to in elude in his denunciation Mr. Richards only, as being the sole official advise of the chiefs, or the entire Protestant clergy, as exercising an influence hostile to his faith. They considered it as applying to their whole body, and were much alarmed, particularly as Laplace, in verbal communication with the American consul, had informed him that the American flag would prove no protection to the proscribed individuals; and that if a man of his vessel should be injured, it was to be a war of extermination.

The harbor was declared under blockade; a vessel of the king's in attempting to reach Maui, with dispatches for his majesty, was captured, but suffered to proceed; Haalilio, his secretary, remaining on board the frigate as a hostage for his arrival. At the request of Kekauluohi, the date of commencing hostilities was postponed until the 15th, that sufficient time might be allowed for the arrival of the king. The excitement among all classes was great; many feared the natives would take advantage of the first confusion, fire the town and plunder the property of the residents. A number of the latter organized themselves into an armed force, to act in case of emergency. The native authorities took such active measures to insure tranquility, that the town remained perfectly quiet; guards were stationed at exposed points, and the people required to abide the orders of government. A disposition to a passive resistance to the demands of Laplace was at first manifested. It was proposed to abandon the town to the landing force, and strike the flag at the firing of the first gun from the frigate.

Had Kinau been alive, it was thought more energetic councils would have prevailed. Kekauluohi was inferior to her in decision and intellectual capacity. Exaggerated stories were set afloat among the native population. It was said the French were to carry fire and sword through the island; their guns were able to reach the distance of ten miles, and to add to their horror, were loaded with the limbs of natives. The lowest class of whites, who had long writhed under the municipal regulations for the preservation of decency, rejoiced at the prospect of the approaching storm. The expected warfare was to be to them a jubilee of license and revenge. But the thinking part of the community freely expressed their opinion of the conduct of France toward her ill-matched opponent; their sympathies were warmly enlisted with the native rulers; and while they would have regretted the wanton destruction of lives or property, they would have rejoiced in any scheme by which the ill-disguised threats and triumph of the white allies of the Boki faction could have been defeated. In the fierceness of the zeal of these enemies of the nation, the most unwarrantable expressions were used; those whose professions had been the loudest for simply religious toleration, whose clamor had been, if their own accounts are to be credited, solely for the diffusion of equal rights, to infuse humanity into the acts of government, now lusted for revenge. The English consul was away during the first excitement; upon his arrival, he intrigued to defeat the designs of a party that had now become so formidable as to form a separate French interest, headed by M. Dudoit. French or American ascendency was equally obnoxious to him; a moral ascendency, more than either. The missionaries were alarmed. Hated and mocked at by some of their own countrymen, implicated in alleged criminality with the government, no explanation allowed from either, threats of pillage and bloodshed hourly borne to their trembling families, it argues no deficiency of courage, knowing from past experience the depth of the hostility that environed them, if they did fear the consequences for their wives and children. The friendly foreigners, engrossed by the shortness of the time for providing for their own safety, could only sympathize with them. Yet it should be recorded that the mission made no attempt to shift any responsibility which their influence with the government could legally have brought upon them. The fidelity of the native government to them r and the generous devotion of their converts, places the relationship of all parties in the highest light. It was decided to obtain peace on the terms demanded. His Hawaiian Majesty not having arrived within the stipulated time, Governor Kekuanaoa, and the premier, Kekauluohi, in his behalf, signed the treaty, which, with the twenty thousand dollars, were carried on board the Artemise by the former. This money was raised with great difficulty; the government debts were yet unpaid, and much of this sum was borrowed at a high interest from foreign merchants. j The tri-colored flag received the royal salute, which was promptly returned. The king arrived on the same day, Sunday, the 14th. Captain Laplace, escorted by two hundred seamen with fixed bayonets and a band of music, went on shore for the purpose of celebrating a military mass. To render this renewal of Romish rites more poignant, a straw palace of the king's was selected for the ceremony, which was performed by the Rev. Mr. Walsh.

The original design of Rives was now established so far as the formal introduction of Roman Catholicism was concerned.

Another purpose remained to be gained. In 1838, the king, yielding to the advice of his council, prohibited the introduction of ardent spirits into his kingdom, and laid a heavy duty on wines. These measures were popular, and had been strongly urged by many foreigners; through their influence the harbors became quiet resorts for shipping, instead of ports of noisy carousal. But the dealers were not disposed to quietly abandon their profits; the Sandwich Islands Gazette openly recommended resistance to the collection of the duties.

Previous to the expected arrival of the Artemise, a plan was concocted by which the prohibition and duties should be removed, and forever prevented from renewal. Capt. Belcher, who had returned in the Sulphur, and sailed shortly before the arrival of the Artemise, witnessing the good results of the laws in question, wrote to the king, recommending a system of duties on liquors so high as virtually to amount to prohibition. But Laplace thought otherwise. Inimical to the nation, a stranger to its history, it was not to be supposed that he should be particularly anxious for the habits and health of the Hawaiians, when in competition with the tastes and pecuniary interests of his countrymen. So it proved. A treaty was drawn up, and offered to the king- for his signature. Articles 4th and 6th received his objections; the first, because it was supposed to put too much authority into the hands of the consul, who would have it in his power to shield his countrymen to a considerable extent from the action of the civil law. The other, that it virtually repealed all their legislation for the promotion of temperance and shielding his subjects from a prolific source of evil and disease. It also took away from him the power of receiving a revenue from imports, greater than five per cent, ad valorem.

As no time was fixed for the termination of the treaty, it could be made always binding upon his government, however injurious in its operation. It was brought to him at 5 o'clock, P.M., on the 16th, and he was required to sign it by breakfast the next morning. No amendment of the objectionable features was allowed; it must be signed as received, or not at all. The king desired time to consult with his council; this was refused. Neither the consul nor Laplace dared" openly to commit themselves, by saying to him, that if he refused war would ensue; but it was bandied about among his attendants, so as to reach his ears, that in such an event there would be no end to the trouble; that this frigate would be succeeded by a larger force, and ultimately his island would be taken possession of. It was a successful design to entrap the king through his fears; the treaty received his reluctant signature. The friendship of France was now secured, and everything was to go on swimmingly. But. the unfortunate monarch felt ill at ease. In an interview with Laplace he repeated his objections, and pleaded his innocence of the charges for which his kingdom had suffered. But it was to no purpose. Fortified by prejudice and abused power, the representative of enlightened and chivalrous i France argued for inundating a nation; against its will, with the poisonous products of his own; to the just and forcible arguments of a semi-civilized monarch, pleading in broken English his own and his country's wrongs, replied with the threadbare calumnies of twenty years' growth; and to the picture of the evils which his acts would produce, in so youthful a stage of civilization, mockingly answered, "civilization eats up the savage." It is much to be regretted that those who had the confidence of the king at this date did not strenuously counsel him not to sign a document fraught with so much injustice to his kingdom. There is no reason to believe that any worse consequence would have ensued than the disappointment of its partisans. But the nation was yet too young to throw itself upon its rights. Much more untoward experience was in store for it, before it could, claim a rank among independent kingdoms. After the treaty, the external courtesies of national intercourse were exchanged.

On the 20th of July the Artemise sailed; but previous to this, the residents opposed to the missionaries addressed a letter of thanks to Captain Laplace, in which, after much of similar character, occurs the following passage:

"We are willing to hope that the horrifying realities of persecution and torture for conscience sake will, by your firmness and justice, have been forever crushed– never again to show its hydra head; and that the simple and confiding children of nature in these islands– so long deluded by designing and interested counselors– will see the necessity of immediately retracing their steps, and taking a manly and nobly disinterested example you have set them for their guide, that the blessings of freedom, and peace and prosperity, may be henceforward the increasing portion of these hitherto deluded people."

The French consul was not slow to avail himself of the extorted privileges. A vessel belonging to him, the same Clementine which had already acquired an unenviable notoriety in the annals of Hawaii, returned from Valparaiso in the following May with a cargo of liquors. The bishop of Nicopolis, M. Maigret, and two other priests came passengers in her. The coincidence of ardent spirits with the cause of papacy, had been striking throughout; while Boki favored the priests, intemperance prevailed; the commander that had ensured them an entrance into the long coveted ground, provided for the accompaniment of liquors. Walsh encouraged their use, both by example and precept. And now a vessel arrived, well provided with both. No wonder then that the terms for brandy and Frenchmen, meaning Papists, became synonymous through the nation; to this day palani is the common term of both.

Previous to the arrival of the bishop and the priests, a disposition was manifested to renew the practices of Boki's misrule. Old songs and sports were indulged in by the party who had long favored them in secret, and forms of vice and error prevailed, which it would be unjust to suppose would have received the countenance of their present spiritual guides. But such facts serve emphatically to show the difference of opinion and desires among the native population, between those who favored the cause of Popery and the advocates of Protestantism. With the former, the disorganizers of society, the rude and reckless, embodied themselves, bringing with them the remains of their idolatry, and creating discredit to their cause; around the others, the rulers, scholars, and people generally, desirous of enforcing moral restraint and the supremacy of law. Kaikioewa died April 10th, 1839. Both he and Kinau were chiefs of well known Christian principles, and firm supporters of the American mission. Their bodies, after lying in state for several weeks, were committed to the tomb with the honors due their rank, but with a quietness of grief, and an order, consonant with the faith which they had embraced. The funeral ceremonies of Liliha, who had lived deprived of office until her death, which occurred on the 25th of August, 1839, gathered the partisans of heathenism from all quarters. An attempt was made to revive obsolete rites; wailing was heard night and day; the shouts of a former generation were renewed; but the guards of the king prevented any disturbances of the public order. With her were buried the last hopes of the faction she had so energetically headed.

Roman Catholicism was now fully tolerated, both as a creed and a system of proselytism. Introduced however under circumstances so repugnant to justice and the wishes of the people, it could not be expected to operate harmoniously with its rival faith, in the outset of its career. The sentiment of the nation was against it. Not a chief of importance attached himself to the cause, though numbers of the lower order, disaffected either with their rulers or coldly inclined towards their Protestant guides, enrolled themselves among its neophytes. Curiosity drew many to its rites; but their attendance or support were uncertain. Enough were found however to encourage the priests to persevere in their mission. The bishop returned to France in 1841, having first provided for the erection of a spacious stone church in Honolulu, to procure more laborers in his field, with a supply of church ornaments and the gaudy paraphernalia of their ritual, on which so much is relied to attract the multitude.

On the passage back with a company of nuns and others and a cargo for their mission, the vessel foundered at sea and all perished. In the meanwhile, his brethren found much source of complaint against the government, particularly in regard ,to the school laws and the marriage contract, which was a civil institution. The priests at first presumed to separate and re-marry couples at their option, and their partisans declined contributing their quota of taxation for the public schools. The ill blood arising from past sores was not yet purified. Both parties among the lower order were prone to collisions. The Roman Catholics were sustained in their seditious views by the belief that France would support them. The French consul protested against any restraint on the internal traffic in ardent spirits by way of licenses.

Affairs were in this state, when on the 23d day of August, 1842, H. M. C. M.'s corvette Embuscade arrived. As she hove in sight, the native converts to the Roman creed raised the cry, "ko makou haku e," there is our master. Captain Mallet, without exchanging the customary salutes, immediately forwarded a letter to the king, in which he made several arbitrary demands. A compliance with the demands of Captain Mallet would have been contrary to the laws, and rendered the Roman Catholic party independent of the king's sovereignty. The answer of the king was courteous and dignified. It so far satisfied Captain Mallet that he sailed without giving further trouble, assuring the king that he should deliver his letter to Admiral Du Petit Thouars, who might be expected the ensuing spring.

Whatever designs the Admiral had upon the Hawaiian Islands can now only be conjectured. Providence so ordered events that the French from this period, sufficiently occupied in establishing themselves in their southern possessions, neglected the affairs of this kingdom until it was too late to frame a pretext for its occupancy. But other agents were at work for the same purpose. At this juncture it would seem as if each of the three great commercial nations, fortuitously through their naval agents rather than by any preconcerted policy at home, were bent upon seizing available ports in the Pacific to extend their 'power and curb that of their equally ambitious rivals. The United States, through Commodore Jones, made a sweep upon California; France, by Admiral Du Petit Thouars, took possession of the Marquesan and Society groups. England, not to be behind in the race, by Lord George Paulet pounced upon the Hawaiian Islands.

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