CHAPTER 38

The Civil Polity (Kalai-moku)

The word kalaimoku related to the civil polity, or government of the land. The government was supposed to have one body (kino). As the body of a man is one, provided with a head, with hands, feet and numerous smaller members, so the government has many parts, but one organization.

The corporate body of the government was the whole nation, including the common people and chiefs under the king. This is seen to be the case from the fact that in a country where there are no people there is no government, as on Kaula and Niihoa, two rocky islets inhabited only by sea-birds. The king was the real head of the government; the chiefs below the king the shoulders and chest. The priest of the king's idol was the right hand, the minister of interior (kanaka kalaimoku) the left hand of the government. This was the theory on which the ancients worked.

The soldiery were the right foot of the government, while the farmers and fishermen were the left foot. The people who performed the miscellaneous offices represented the fingers and toes. The unskilled and ignorant mass of people were sometimes termed hu, sometimes makaainana.

There were two strong forces, or parties, in the government; one the kahunas, who attended to the idol-worship, the other the kalaimoku, or king's chief councilor. These two were the ones who controlled the government, and led its head, the king, as they thought best. If the head of the government declined to follow their advice, the government went to another, on account of the fault of its head, that is the king. The high priest – kahuna o na kii¹ – controlled the king in matters of religion haipule (He was keeper of the king's conscience.) The kalaimoku, chief councilor or prime minister, guided him in regulating the affairs of administration, and in all that related to the common people.

In time of war the high priest kahuna kii was the first one to advise the king through his spiritual offices. The high priest would instruct the king that it was necessary to erect a heiau-luakini, in order that he might first learn by the services at the heiau whether it was advisable, or proper pono to go to war. If the priest perceived that it was not best to make war, he would tell the king, "It is not best to go to war."

The high priest had many methods by which to obtain omens for the guidance of the king ; there were also many priests under him, and each priest had a different function, the whole service, however, was under the direction of one priest.

Many were the duties entrusted to the priest under the king's government, the temple-service of the luakini, (a war temple) and that of the kukoa'e, (a temple to propitiate heaven for food), and the Makahiki celebration, also the distribution of the piles of goods from the taxes as well of the things given as sacrifices, the conduct of religious services and the uttering of suitable prayers – kau mihau ana² – in the day of battle; in fact everything that touched the worship of the gods.

It was the duty of the high priest to urge the king most strenuously to direct his thoughts to the gods, to worship them without swerving, to be always obedient to their commands with absolute sincerity and devotedness; not to be led astray by women; not to take up with women of low birth; but to serve only the gods.

One thing which the priest urged upon the king was to kill off the ungodly people, those who broke tabu and ate with the women, or who cohabited with a woman while she was confined to her infirmary, and the women who intruded themselves into the heiau.

Another thing he urged was that the woman who beat tapa on a tabu day, or who went canoeing on a tabu day should be put to death; also that the man who secretly left the service at the temple to go home and lie with his wife should be put to death; that the men and women who did these things, whether from the backwoods – kuaaina – or near the court should be put to death.

That any man, woman, or child, who should revile the high priest, or a keeper of the idols, calling him a filth-eater, or saying that he acted unseemly with women (i ka ai mea kapu), should be put to death, but he might ransom his life by a fire of a fathom-long pig.

Again, that if the king by mistake ate of food or meat that was ceremonially common or unclean – noa – the king should be forgiven, but the man whose food or meat it was should be put to death, if the king was made ill. In such a case a human sacrifice was offered to appease the deity, that the king might recover from his illness.

Again that certain kinds of fish should be declared tabu to the women as food, also pork, bananas and cocoanuts; that if any large fish – a whale – or a log strapped with iron, should be cast ashore, it was to be offered to the gods, (i.e. it was to be given to the priests for the use of the king).

Again, in time of war the first man killed in battle, who was termed a lehua, and the second man killed, who was termed a lua one, were to be offered as sacrifices to the gods.

There were a great many ceremonies and services ordered by the kahuna, in order to establish the best relations with the gods, as the kahuna averred.

For six months of the year the opelu might be eaten and the aku was tabu, and was not to be eaten by chiefs or commoners. Then again, for other six months the aku might be eaten, and the opelu in turn was tabu. Thus it was every year.

Again during the observance of Makahiki the services at all the heiaus of the chiefs were omitted for two months and twenty-six days; after which all the chiefs returned and worshipped the idols.

After the aliis resumed their religious services the king must build a luakini, that is a large heiau. It was a common saying that this caused a famine³ in the land, due to the fact that the inner bark of the ohia was red. For that reason the king after that built a mapele, it being believed that this sort of a heiau would bring prosperity to the land, because the bark of the lama, which was the wood used in building every mapele heiau,, was black.

After these heiaus were built, the king went on a tour about the island, putting up heiaus as he went. This circuit was called a palaloa⁴. Next the king made an unu o Lono, and each of the chiefs erected an eweai, which was a heiau to bring rain.

At this time a light was kept burning all night in the house of the king while prayers⁵ were constantly recited to the gods, beseeching that the misfortunes of the land might be relieved and averted, that it might be cleansed from pollution, its sins blotted out, the blight and mildew that affected it removed, that it might be protected from decay, destruction and barrenness. Then instead one might see the shooting forth of the buds, the weeding of the ground, the earth covered with the growing vines, the separation of the vines from different vines interlocking with each other as they grow together, the offering of the first fruits to God.

If all these matters relating to the worship of the gods were attended to, then the king was highly commended as a righteous king. And when the people perceived this, they devoted themselves with diligence to their farms and their fishing, while the women-folk industriously beat out and printed their tapas. Thus it was that the king worked away in the worship of the gods year after year.

It was on these lines that the high priest constantly used his authority and influence to guide the king; and when he saw that the king followed all his instructions, he took courage, and some day when they were conducting a service together successfully, he ventured to beg of the king a piece of land.

If the people saw that a king was religiously inclined (haipule), strict in his religious duties, that king attained great popularity. From the most ancient times religious kings have always been greatly esteemed.

From the earliest times down to the time of Kamehameha I, not one of the kings who has subjugated under his rule an entire island has been irreligious; every one of them has worshipped the gods with faith and sincerity.

If the services of religion under any king were conducted in a slack or slovenly manner, it would be the general opinion that that government would pass into the hands of a king under whom the services of. religion would be strictly and correctly performed. It was firmly believed that a religious king was possessed of mighty power, because it was matter of observation, that kings who were attentive to their religious duties conducted all their affairs in a becoming manner, while irreligious kings neglected the affairs of their government.

There were many matters in regard to which the high priest used his office to lead the king in such ways as he thought right.

The high priest was a man whose father had also been a priest. While some of the priests were of priestly parentage, others were chosen to that office by the priest himself. The son of a priest was not allowed to be nourished with common food – the kalaimoku also was not allowed to be nourished with food that was common.

The principal duties of the Kalaimoku's⁶ office were comprised under two heads; to look after the king's interests and to look after the people's interests. The one who filled the office of kalaimoku made it his first business to counsel the king in the regulation of these two departments.

The Kalaimoku's manner of procedure was as follows: He first made secret inquiries of the keepers of the genealogies  – poe kuauhau – and informed himself as to the pedigree of all the chiefs. Because the Kalaimoku believed that the king was to be compared to a house. A house indeed stands of itself, but its pa, or stockade, is its defense. So it was with the king; the chiefs below him and the common people throughout the whole country were his defense.

The office of an independent king (Alii ai moku, literally one who eats, or rules over, an island) was established on the following basis: He being the house, his younger brothers born of the same parents, and those who were called fathers or mothers (uncles and aunts) through relationship to his own father or mother, formed the stockade that stood as a defense about him.

Another wall of defense about the king, in addition to his brothers, were his own sisters, those of the same blood as himself. These were people of authority and held important offices in the king's government. One was his kuhina nui, or prime minister, others generals (pu-kaua)captains alihikaua), marshals (ilaumuku), the king's executive officers, to carry out his commands.

Again the king's uncles and aunts and the male and female cousins of his immediate line also formed part of this wall of defense.

 Besides this the king's own brothers-in-law, the husbands of his sisters or of his cousins, also constituted a part of this defense about him.

The distant relatives of the king's parents and grandparents also were a protection and re-enforcement to his strength.

A Hale Nana⁷ was then built for the king, and when this was accomplished an investigation was entered into at the house as to what persons were related to the king. The doings at the house were conducted in the following manner. When the king had entered the house and taken his seat, in the midst of a large assembly of people including many skilled genealogists, two guards were posted outside at the gate of the pa. The guards were called kaikuono⁸.

When any one presented himself for admission to the Hale Naua, or king's house, the guards called out, "Here comes So-and-so about to enter." Thereupon the company within called out, "From whom are you descended, Mr. So-and-so Naua? Who was your father, Naua? Who was your father, Naua?" To this the man made answer, "I am descended from So-and-so; such and such a one is my father."

The question was then put to the man, "Who was your father's father, Naua?" and the man answered, "Such an one was my father's father, he was my grandfather." "Who was the father of your grandfather, Naua ?" and the man answered "Such an one was my grandfather's father." Thus they continued to question him until they reached in their inquiry the man's tenth ancestor.

If the genealogists who were sitting with the king recognized a suitable relationship to exist between the ancestry of the candidate and that of the king he was approved of.

When another candidate arrived the outside guards again called out, "Here enters such an one." Thereupon those sitting with the king in a loud tone made their inquiries as to the ancestry on the mother's side. "Who was your mother? Naua?" And the man answered, "I am descended from such an one; So-and-so was my mother." Again the question was put to him, "Who was the mother of your mother? Naua?"Whereupon he answered, "Such a person was my grandmother."

The questions were kept up in this manner until they had come to the tenth ancestor in their inquiry. When the genealogists had satisfied themselves as to the closeness of the man's pedigree to that of the king, special inquiries having been made as to his grand-ather and grandmother, the candidate was approved of.

On the satisfactory conclusion of this investigation the the commoner, or chief, was admitted as a member of the Hale Naua, another name for which was Ualo malie.

In this way they learned who were closely related to the king, who also were in his direct line, as well as the relative rank of the aliis to each other and to the king.

A plan was then made as to what office the king should give to one and another chief or commoner who were related to him.

To the chiefs that were his near relations the king assigned districts; to others kalanas, okanas, pokos, ahupuaas and ilis.

To the commoners were given such small sections of land as the ahupuaa, or the Hi.

The heavy work on the lands fell to the chiefs and their men, to the makaainana. The king did no work; his food was brought to him cooked. It was a rare thing for an alii to engage in agriculture.

One thing which the Kalaimoku impressed upon the king was to protect the property of the chiefs as well as that of the common people; not to rob them, not to appropriate wantonly the crops of the common peoplery.

If the king made a tour about the island, when night fell, the proper thing for him to do was to camp down by the highway, and the next morning to proceed on his journey. It was not right for him to enter the house of a commoner to pass the night; that was all wrong and was termed alaiki, the short way.

The wrong lay in the fact that when the king entered the house of a common man his men entered with him. They ate of the commoner's food, helped themselves to his goods, seduced or ravished the females, acted disgracefully, and raised the devil generally.

Their counsel to the king was that when, in travelling along the alaloa, he came to a branch-road, he was not to follow the branch, because that was a bad practice. The branch-road was called a mooa, or a meheu. (Mooa, a bending of the grass; meheu, a trail, a trace.)

The evil lay in the fact that when the king left the beaten way, the people followed along with him. The path led probably to a little farm –  mahina ai – and as soon as the king's men saw it they pulled the crops, helping themselves to the sugar-cane, etc., and the blame for the outrage fell upon the king.

Another reason why the king should not turn aside to follow a by-path was because it might lead to a house where women were beating tapa – hale kuku – and if the king's men found her to be a handsome looking woman, they might ravish her, in which case the king would be blamed for the deed.

The proper course for the king was to camp at night by the highway. If the people put up a house for him, well and good. If not, let his own retinue set up for him a tent, and let him eat the food he brought with him. The king who would follow this plan would not have to issue any orders to the districts for food; he would be called a king of superior wisdom. (Alii noeau loa), a prudent king.

Again when the king went on a canoe-voyage around the island, he should not let his canoes tack back and forth, off and on, in towards the land and out to sea again, lest, by so doing, they should come across a fleet of fishing canoes, and the fishermen, being robbed of their fish, should lay the blame upon the king.

The right plan in sailing would be to keep the canoe on a straight course from the cape just passed to the one ahead, and when that was doubled to steer directly for the next cape, and so on until the destination was reached.

When the people bring presents of food to the king, the best course for him to pursue is to eat of the food then and there, so as to make it easy for the people. It were a wise thing for the king to invite all of the people to partake of the food, that they might not go away fasting.

The king might well take as his own the ahupuaas on the borders of the districts, such an one, for instance, as Kaulanamauna, on the border of Kona, and Manuka, which lies on the border of Kau: (These were very rocky and rather sterile tracts of country,) and when the king had found a suitable man, let the king put the lands in his charge.

It would also be a wise thing for the king to keep as his own the ahupuaas or districts in which the kauila⁹, or the aala, or the auau⁹ is plentiful; together with any rocky and inhospitable tracts of land. He might entrust these lands into the hands of good men to farm them for him.

It is proper for the king to make frequent circuits of the island, that he may become well acquainted with the young people in the out-districts, that he may be able to choose from among them suitable ones to be taken into his train as intimates (aikane), 10 and to be brought up at court. Thus he will increase the number of his followers.

It is well for the king to gather many people about him. Both he and his queen should deal out food and meat, as well as tapas and malos with a liberal hand. Thus he will dispose the men to be as a shield to him in the day of battle. The servants (kanaka) of the king were known under the following designations: malalaioa, uh, ehu, kea, lawa, kapii, kae, kalol, niho-mauole, puali, uha-kakau, hamohamo, haakualiki, olu-kelo-aho-o, kamoena, kuala-pehu, makai, kauoe. Probably other names should be added¹¹.

The chiefs below the king also should gather men about them, the same as the king himself; and these men should be constantly practiced in the arts of war, with the short spear, ihe, the long spear, pololu, the club, laau palau, the kuia, in the use of the sling, ka-ala. in boxing and in the practice of temperance¹².

 If the Kalaimoku should see that the king's people were becoming stout, so as to be clumsy, he would urge the king to have the men run races, roll the maika, practice the game called pahee, drink awa, go to where food was scarce, in order to reduce their flesh¹³.

The largest districts were not generally assigned to the highest chiefs, lest they might thus be enabled to rebel against the government. Kamehameha I., however, entrusted the largest districts to his highest chiefs.

It was the practice for kings to build store-houses in which to collect food, fish, tapas, malos, pa-us, and all sorts of goods.

These store-houses were designed by the Kalaimoku as a means of keeping the people contented, so they would not desert the king. They were like the baskets that were used to entrap the hinalea fish. The hinalea thought there was something good within the basket, and he hung round the outside of it. In the same way the people thought there was food in the storehouses, and they kept their eyes on the king.

As the rat will not desert the pantry (kumu-haka)¹⁴ where he thinks food is, so the people will not desert the king while they think there is food in his store-house.

The king had the right to select for himself fleet runners, men to paddle his canoes, canoe-makers, and spies to keep watch of the law-breakers and criminals in all parts of the land.

It is the king's duty to seek the welfare of the common people, because they constitute the body politic. Many kings have been put to death by the people because of their oppression of the makaainana.

The following kings lost their lives on account of their cruel exactions on the commoners: Koihala¹⁵ was put to death in Kau, for which reason the district of Kau was called the weir, (Makaha.)

Koha-i-ka-lani¹⁶ was an alii who was violently put to death in Kau. Halaea was a king who was killed in Kau. Ehu-nui-kai-malino was an alii who was secretly put out of the way by the fishermen in Keahuolu in Kona. Kamaiole was a king who was assassinated by Kalapana at Anaehoomalu in Kona. King Hakau was put to death by the hand of Umi at Waipio valley in Hamakua, Hawaii. Lono-i-ka-makahiki, was a king who was banished by the people of Kona. Umi-o-ka-lani also was a king who was banished by the Konaites.

 It was for this reason that some of the ancient kings had a wholesome fear of the people. But the commoners were sure to be defeated when the king had right on his side.

In every district, okana, and poko, certain pieces of land, called koele, were set apart for the king. The pigs in these lands had their ears mutilated in a certain fashion to designate them as belonging to the king.

It was to these lands that the king looked for his supply of pork and not to the common people. But some of the kings seized the pigs belonging to other people and appropriated them to their own uses.

In the same way the kings sometimes appropriated the fruits of the people's farms. The makaainana were not pleased with this sort of conduct on the part of the king. They looked upon such work as acts of tyranny and abuse of authority.

The kalaimoku did not usually live with the king, but quite apart from him. If he wished to speak with the king he went to the king's hale manawa, whence he sent a message to the king by the king's lomi-lomi, requesting an interview. On the arrival of the king their interview was kept entirely private. This secret consultation was called kuka malu, and when it was over each one went his way.

If the lesser allis desired to consult with the king on some important affair of government, it might be war, the king would send a message to the kalaimoku to come and hold a privy council with him; and, having given attention to what they had to say, the king dismissed them.

When the king met the whole body of his chiefs in conference it was his custom to give close attention to what each one had to say; and if he perceived that the counsel of any one of them agreed with that which his Kalaimokus had given him in secret, he openly expressed his approval of it.

If, however, the king saw that what the chiefs advised was in disagreement with the counsels of his Kalaimokus, given him in secret, he openly expressed his disapproval. This was the manner in which the assembly – parliament of the chiefs¹⁷ (aha olelo o na 'lii) conducted their deliberations.

The kalaimokus were well versed in the principles of warfare. They knew how to set a battle in order, how to conduct it aright, how to adapt the order of battle to the ground.

If the battle-field was a plain, level and unbroken, (malae-lae) the order of battle suitable was that called kahului¹⁸. If it was a plain covered with scrub, the proper order of battle would be the makawalu¹⁹.

The Kalaimokus were also acquainted with the famous instances in which ambuscade (poi-po) had been used; what sort of a terrain was suited to the battle-order called kukulu²⁰, to that called kapae²¹ and to that called moemoe²².

The kalaimokus were versed in all the manoeuvres of battle. They were called kaakaua²³ defenders, also Iau-aua²⁴ strategists.

A small army or body of men should not be marshaled or brought into battle in the makawalu-order of battle, nor in the kahului²⁵ A small force which would not be able to stand before a force of larger size in a battle by day, might be able to make its escape if the battle were at night.

In making the dispositions for battle, the vanguard was composed of a small body of men and was called huna-lewa²⁶. A larger body was placed to their rear, which was called huna-paa.

To the rear of them were stationed the waakaua²⁷, the pu-ulu-kaua²⁸, the papa-kaua²⁹ and the poe kaua³⁰. The king took his station in the midst of the poe kaua. Immediately in front of the body of soldiery that surrounded the king were stationed several ranks of men, armed with a long spear called a pololu. Now the pololu was called a powerful weapon of defense, a kaua paa.

The king stood in the midst of the poe kaua, with his wife, his kaai-gods, and his dearest friends. But if the order of battle was the makawalu, the king would be stationed in the midst of the huna-pa'a.

When the forces were in position the kilo-Ian, or astrologer, was sent for, and on his arrival the king asked him what he thought about the battle. Thereupon the astrologer made a study of the heavens to see whether the indications were favorable for the battle.

If he found the appearances favorable, he said to the king, "This is a day of clear vision (he an keia no ka la), a day in which your enemy will be delivered into your hands for defeat; because," said he, "this day is apuni, a day inauspicious to your foes.'' He thereupon urged the king strenuously to give battle.

But if the kilo saw that the day was unpropitious, he warned the king not make the battle against the other king.

When the armies drew near to each other, the priests were sent for to offer sacrifices to the king's gods, for the king himself could not offer sacrifice at such a time. The ceremony was clone in this manner : Two fires were built, one for each army, in the space between the two armies. The pig, having been killed by strangling, was offered to the idol deities by the priest, the king uttering the amama. The pig was called an umihau pig. When this ceremony was over the battle was begun. The kalaimokus were the principal advisers of the king in the conduct of a battle.

These kalaimokus were a class of people who did not care much for luxury and display, nor for distinction, wealth, or land.

They had no desire for great emoluments from the king. They were only intent on serving the king by their secret councils.

If the kalaimokus saw that the king had too many people about him they led him into the wilderness where food was scarce, that the king might be the only one supplied with food, and all the people then would set their hearts upon the king.

If the kalaimokus saw that the king was eating too much soft poi they advised against it, because hard³¹ poi is better and taro best of all to make one fleet of foot if defeated.

All the chiefs in the government were trained in military exercises until they had attained greater skill than was possessed by any of the common people.

There were two great reasons why a kalaimoku had superior ability as a councilor to others. In the first place, they were instructed in the traditional wisdom of former kalaimokus, and in the second place their whole lives were spent with kings. When one king died, they lived with his successor until his death, and so on. Thus they became well acquainted with the methods adopted by different kings, also with those used by the kings of ancient times.

Some of those who were skilled in the art of government were people from the back country. For while living in the outer districts they had been close students of the ways of some of the kings and had become thoroughly acquainted with them. The people of the country districts were really shrewd critics of the faults as well as the virtues of the kings.

If the common people after observing a king, disapproved of him, it was because he was really bad; but if, after studying him, they believed in him, it proved him to be a good man.

Great fault was found with a king who was a sluggard, or a pleasure-seeker, or who was contentious, used reviling language, was greedy, oppressive, or stingy.

The king who was gentle and quiet in manner, condescending and gracious, was the king who was greatly desired and beloved by the people.

Kings who were unjust in their government were not beloved by any of their subjects; but the king who ruled honestly was ever regarded with affection.

The alii who lived an honest life had great authority merely because he was right. The alii who slandered another alii was convicted of wrong out of his own mouth.

If one king speaks evil of another king without cause, he commits a wrong.

The king who lives righteously will be blameless. So it has been from the most ancient times.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 38

¹ Kahuna o na kii: This is not a legitimate expression. The high priest is undoubtedly meant by the writer. There is, however, no warrant in Hawaiian usage for the employment of such an expression to designate that functionary.

² Kau mihau ana. I am informed that when an army went forth to battle a priest went on ahead bearing a branch of the hau tree. This was set upright in the ground by the priest and guarded in that position by him as a favorable omen or sign for his side. Each side religiously respected the emblem of the enemy, and did not interfere with their mihau. So long as the branch was kept erect it meant victory to its side. If the battle finally went against them the hau was allowed to fall. There was a proverbial expression "Ua puali ka hau nui i ka hau iki." The great hau is broken by the small hau, meaning the large force is defeated by the small. The kahuna who performed this mihau service was in reality the chaplain of the army. While he was doing this service on the field of battle, the great body of the priests were in the heiau beseeching the gods by prayers and sacrifices for victory on their side.

³ There might well be a famine in the land after such a prolonged interruption of all fruitful industries and so great a misuse of all its resources.

⁴ Palaloa, the same in meaning as palala, to give gifts to the king. These gifts were not' a regular tax. But they were none the less a burden, though supposed to be entirely voluntary offerings.

⁵ The text in the Hawaiian is as follows:

"A ma ia mau po hoa mau ia ke kukui o ko ke alii nui hale, me ka pule mau i ke akua kii; he pule ia o holoi ana i ka poino o ka aina, ame ka pale ae i pau, ko ka aina haumia ; he pule ia e hoopau ana i na hewa o ka aina a pau; i pau ke ae ^a me ke kawau ^b i pau ke kulopia ^c a me ka peluluka ^d i pau ka hulialana^e ; alaila nihopeku^f, hoemu^g, huikala^h . malapakaiⁱ, kamauli hou i ke akua."^j

There is much difficulty in making out the meaning of this passage. By some it is regarded as having a figurative meaning, to be taken in a spiritual sense. I prefer to take it literally as referring to the crops, (a) Looked at it in this light, ae means blight: (b) kawau means mildew, mould: (c) kulopia means decay, a condition worse than the one before mentioned: (d) peluluka a still worse condition, destruction of the entire crop by decay: (e) hulialana represents the resulting barrenness of the fields. Now comes the contrasting description of a luxuriant harvest, (f) nihopeku, the bud shooting from the soil like a tooth from the gum: (g) hoemu, the weeding of the tender plants: (h) huikala, the ground is covered with the herbage, leaves and vines: (i) malapakai, the interlacing vines have to be separated and turned back to their own hills, so rank is the growth: (j) kamauli hou i ke akua, the prayer being answered, and an abundant crop secured, the first fruits of the land are offered as a thank-offering to God.

⁶ In spite of the somewhat ambiguous language used by the author, a king had but one kalaimoku at a time.

⁷ Hale Naua: There has been much discussion over the meaning of this word naua. It may throw some light on the subject to state that "Naua?" was the word of challenge which was addressed to every one who presented himself for admission to this society, the meaning of which it being a question, was, whence are you? what is your ancestry? To this the answer might be. "Auwae pili," meaning a relative; or it might be, "Auwahi la," meaning that the relationship was more distant; or, if the relationship of the candidate to the king was close and undisputed, as in case he were the king's brother, or other near relative, he would answer, "Pilipili ula," referring to the red ula that was common to the veins of each. Answer having been made, as above indicated, the candidate was admitted, and was then put through an examination as to his ancestry; the first question asked him being, "Owai kou papa?" what is your line of ancestry? The candidate thereupon recited his ancestral claims in the form of a mele inoa. This mele inoa was not a thing to be hawked about at every festival, nor to be recited in public when the notion seized one to make a display of his claims. On the contrary, it was a sacred legacy from one's ancestors, to be recited only in the audience of one's peers. It is, therefore to be distinguished from that other mele inoa, which might be given forth in public. The whole matter has been cheapened and made ridiculous in modern times. The following has been communicated to me as a fragment from a true mele inoa belonging to Kakuhihewa, an ancient king of Oahu, or rather to one of his descendants.
 

AoJte au e loaa i ka ni mai,
     I am not one to give my name to every challenger,

He ipu aholehole,
     A calabash of aholehole fish, (for the king)

Ara Kuhihcwa, ka moi o Oo.hu nci,
     Descended from Kahuhihewa, king of this island of Oahu,

A MceJianau,
     And from Meehanau,

Mai lalo mai a luna nei,
     He was the first king of his line,

Moe ia Kanui-a-panee,
     Paired with Ke-a-nui-a-panee,

Puka o Ka-ua-kahi-a-ka-ola,
     The issue Ka-ua-kahi-a-ka-ola,

He akua-olclo,
     A god eloquent in speech,

A loaa ka I,
     To him was born the I,

A Kukaniloko.
     At Kukaniloko.

The Hale Naua is represented to have been a non-partisan, peaceful, organization. Its purpose was to prevent bloodshed by uniting the chiefs under the bonds of kinship, friendship, and rank. It was strictly an .aristocratic society. The assertion made by Malo, that a candidate might be a commoner as well as a chief, is in my opinion, and in it I am supported by intelligent Hawaiian critics, entirely erroneous. The doings of the so-called Hale Naua, instituted in the reign of King Kalakaua, are not to be regarded as an argument to be considered in the question. The Hale Naua did not sit as a court to discipline or expel its members. Once a member, always a member, was the rule. The most perfect and decorum must be observed at all the meetings. This canon of politeness was expressed as another name for the Naua Society. "Ualo malie," the meaning of which is the gentle entreaty. Before leaving this matter, it should be remarked that membership in the Hale Naua was by no means confined to the relatives of the reigning family, as is implied by the statements of David Malo. It was open to every high-rank chief of whatever line.

⁸ I am informed that the two outer guards were called kaikuone. The head of the hale naua, the king, was styled Ikulani. I am also informed that there were four officers called ulaulono, who acted as kuauhau, or keepers of the chronologies. They were also called the kakaolelo. The same one also says that when a candidate was introduced an officer called an uluamahi threw at him an ipuaho, which was nothing more or less than an ornamental ball of twine If this struck the candidate squarely, it was a sign that he was worthy.

 ^9a Kauila. The Kauila was a famous wood for spears; its color like that of mahogany. Aala is said to be fragrant. Perhaps the Ala-a is the tree in question. Auau was a tree specially useful for the ahos or small poles that it furnished.

 ^9b Auau, the straight light poles of the hau. These were very useful in training men in the spear practice. The head of the spear was blunted and wrapped with tapa to make its impact harmless. The young soldiers began practice with these. When they had acquired skill and proficiency with these harmless weapons, they were allowed to try their hand at the heavy, sharp-pointed, kauila spears, which were those used, in battle.

¹⁰ The aikane meant primarily a male intimate of the most disreputable sort, but it came to mean also a male friend in a respectable sense. I take it that the word is used in the latter sense in the present instance.

¹¹ The following list of servants and people or attendants about, the king's court has the double disadvantage, first, of being incomplete, confessedly so; second, of attaching itself to no principle of classification, besides which it is merely a list of names without significance or explanation. The following translation or explanation is given as the best I can do towards elucidating the subject.

Malalaioa – people who had acquired skill in any trade or occupation. It probably did not include soldiers, though it' is claimed by some that it did.

Uli – people with straight black hair. Black was the acceptable color for hair.

Ehu – persons with reddish or blond hair were not considered so comely as the former and were not retained about court. Though they might be employed about the menial offices, such as making ovens and cooking food.

Kea – a class of persons with unusually light skins. They were favorites, much desired at court.

Lawa – a name applied to a class of men of great strength. It was said that there was but a slight interval between their ribs and their hips.

Kapii – persons with curly hair. These were regarded as strong bodied and were greatly desired in this regard.

Kae – this was a term applied to the old and worn-out.

Kalole – persons who were stupid and inefficient. They could not get married because they could not support a wife.

Niho mauole – persons of either sex who had outlived their usefulness. So named from the loss of most of their teeth.

Puali – this applied to soldiers. They were tightly belted with the malo which they wore rather higher than was the custom among the common people. Hence the name puali, cut in two, from the smallness of the waist. It was regarded as a sign of readiness for any enterprise to have the malo tightly girded about one. The expression was "kit ka puali o mca," such an one has his loins girded, he's ready for the fight.

Uha-kakau – this is probably a wrong orthography, and should be uhaheke. The meaning is with thighs bent, consequently on the alert. They are contrasted with those who squat down on the ground. They generally carried some weapon concealed about them.

Hamohamo – I am told (by Kapule) )that in Muolea, in the district of Hana, grew a poisonous moss in a certain pool or pond close to the ocean. It was used to smear on the spear-points to make them fatal. These men were the ones who did the job, hence they were called hamohamo, the smearers. This moss is said to be of a reddish color and is still t'o be found. It grows nowhere else than at that one spot.l Kapule thinks it was about the year 1857 that he was in Hana and saw this moss. It was shown him by an old man named Peelua, the father-in-law of S. M. Kamakau. This is a revelation and a great surprise to me. I never heard of such a thing before. Manu covered it with stones.

Haa-kua-liki – this class of people were dwarfish in figure, but of great strength and approved valor.

Olukeloa-hoo-kaa-moena – these were those who were highly skilled in the art of ha and haihai, in which wrestling, bone-breaking and dislocating joints were combined in one art. They were a very important part of the army.

Kuala-pehu – these were men who were very powerful with the fist. They fought with the naked fist. Extravagant statements are, of course, made of their prowess.

Maka-i – persons who were skilled detectives, who were quick to interpret detective signs. They were valuable as spies.

Ka'u-o – probably the same as ka'u-koe, persons who went as spies into the enemies' country. They carried no weapons with them. Ka'u meant fearful, unwilling; koe meant requested, bidden; persons therefore who went reluctantly, and only because they were commanded.

¹² The ihe was a spear to be thrown from the hand. According to my present informant, who is a very intelligent man from Molokai, the ihe was a long spear. A spear in my collection, which measures about 12 ^1/2 feet is, he says, an ihe to be thrown. The pololu was a spear of less length than the ihe and was not to leave the hand. It was generally wielded with both hands. It was generally a little longer than the man. The laau palau was a club of various length, a yard or a fathom. It of course was intended to remain in the hand. The kuia was a short sharp pointed stick, a dagger. It might be carried thrust into the girdle. Ka ala meant to sling. It was a very important weapon in warfare. (The Molokai man was certainly mistaken. The long spear was the polulu, the short spear or javelin was the ihe.

¹³ Awa drinking is not known to be an efficient means of reducing the flesh. No wise statesman, kalai-moku, even in ancient times would be likely to give such a foolish piece of advice as this.

¹⁴ The kumuhaka was a shelf on which to keep provisions. It was either suspended by cords, or supported on legs.

¹⁵ Koihala. I have two different statements in regard to this king. Which of them, or whether either, is correct, I know not. One of them is that Koihala was the successor to Keoua in Kau, who was the opponent of Kamehameha I., and was murdered at Kawaihae with the conqueror's connivance. According to that account the works with which he made the people of Kau to sweat and groan were the building of the heavy stone-walls about several fish ponds, of which are mentioned those at the coast of Hilea, at Honuapo, and Ninole. He also robbed the fishermen of their fish. The story is that he compelled his canoemen to paddle him about here and there where the fleets of fishing canoes were. The wind was bleak and his men suffered from the wet and cold, he being snugly housed in the pola. One day he had his men take his canoe out towards the South cape where was a fleet of fishing canoes. His own canoe, being filled with the spoils of his robbery, began to sink, and he called out for help. The fishermen declined all assistance; his own men left him and swam to the canoes of the fishers leaving him entirely in the lurch. He was drowned. The other account represents him as a king of the ancient times. Where lies the truth of history in regard to this man, I am at a loss to say.

¹⁶ Koha-i-ka-lani. The account I have of this king is that he kept his people ground down by hard work. It is said that he would start his people off on a long tramp into the mountains to cut ohia timber for images ; and before the work was done he ordered them at the work of carving stone images in some other direction. But no sooner had they got settled to the new job than he sent them back t'o finish their uncompleted work in the mountains. Finally he set off on a tour with all his wives and retinue, and ordered the serfs, his common people, to meet him at a specified place with a supply of food. When the people came to the appointed place with their burdens of food the king and his party were not there ; they had moved on and the king had left word directing the people to carry the food to a place many miles distant. On arriving at the place now indicated the people, who had been smarting under the affliction, found themselves again ordered to bear their heavy loads to a place many hours' journey distant. Their patience was now exhausted. They consumed the food, filled the bundles with stones and on arriving at length in the presence of the king, with feigned humility laid the bundles at the king's feet. But when the bundles were opened the man that was in them broke forth. The king and his court were killed and covered under the stones. (Both of the above traditions are given by M. Jules Remy, in his "Recits d'un Vieux Sauvage." They are undoubtedly very ancient.)

¹⁷ Aha olelo a na 'lii. Very little is known about this aha olelo o na 'lii more than this statement. There is no doubt, however, but what the king did consult with his chiefs as to certain important matters of policy, perhaps as to the waging of war. But the latter was more likely decided by the King in consultation with his Kalaimoku.

¹⁸ Kahului. The Kahului was a disposition or order of battle, in which the main body of the soldiers were drawn up in the form of a crescent, with the horns pointing forwards. This name was, undoubtedly derived from the place of the same name. The region of Kahului was flat and treeless.

¹⁹ Makawalu, an order of battle in which the soldiers were irregularly grouped into bands or companies to suit the ground.

²⁰ The Kukulu was a battle in which the opposing forces were formally drawn up in line against each other. It is said that in such cases the opposing forces would consult each other's convenience as to the time for beginning the action; and it was even postponed to accommodate one or the other. This reminds of the days of chivalry when men fought for "Honour," when the captain of one side would step to the front, and, addressing the other side, say "Are you ready, gentlemen?" and, being answered in the affirmative, turning to his own men, said "Prepare to Fire." "Fire !"

²¹ Kapae was not an order of battle, but a truce, or cessation of hostilities. It might be found out, for instance, there being no urgent' reason for battle, that the two forces were led perhaps by men who were near relatives, or who had been at one time great friends; or, after a prolonged and bloody contest, in which the two forces were proven to be so nearly equal in strength and valor that neither party could hope for victory, prudence and a more reasonable view of things suggested the desirability of bringing the trial of strength and endurance to a close. In such a case there would be a general shaking of hands the right hand, as with us, or both hands, might be used, if there was strong emotion, sometimes embracing and touching noses, though that was not the general custom. (The custom of shaking hands was first introduced here by white men, in modern times.)

²² Moemoe, a night attack. The Hawaiians were not given to placing sentinels and keeping watch at night in their military campaigns in ancient times. Possibly Kamehameha followed a stricter rule in this regard, for which reason a night attack must have proved very successful when it was tried.

²³ Kaakaua is said also to mean one who stimulated the men to brave deeds and enthusiasm by gesticulations and shouts, especially perhaps by brandishing or twirling a spear in the front of battle. Such actions were as legitimate as one of Napoleon's war proclamations.

²⁴ Lau-aua also means one who concealed his strength or skill until the time of battle. Is not that strategy? To hide one's power from one's enemies, even if one's friends are kept in the dark at the same time, what is that but strategy?

²⁵ A sound observation. Naturally it would not do to divide a small force, as would, be done in makawalu, nor to draw up such a force in the form of a crescent, as in kahului.

²⁶ The huna-lewa were what might be called the skirmishers, those furthest in the advance and who were in very open order.

²⁷ Waa-kaua. In this an army was formed into bodies of men numbering perhaps 1000 each.

²⁸ Puulu-kaua, a close body, a phalanx.

²⁹ Papa-kaua, probably a body of picked men, chiefs and men of rank, who were armed with the pololu. which was probably the best offensive as well as defensive weapon employed by the Hawaiians. It seems probable to me that these were the men who surrounded the king, and I am informed that such was the case.

³⁰ Poe kaua, said to be the half-trained, light-armed soldiers.

³¹ In order to make sense out of what would otherwise be an evidently foolish passage, I have found it necessary to substitute soft for hard, and hard for soft, poi, in this passage.  Back to Contents

CHAPTER 39

Agriculture

Agriculture was a matter of great importance in Hawaii, because by it a man obtained the means of supporting himself and his wife, his children, friends and domestic animals. It was associated, however, with the worship of idols.

In the Hawaiian Islands agriculture was conducted differently on lands where there were streams of water and on dry lands. On lands supplied with running water agriculture was easy and could be carried on at all times, and the only reason for a scarcity of food among the people on such lands was idleness. Sometimes, however, the water supply failed; but the drought did not last long.

On the kula¹ lands farming was a laborious occupation and called for great patience, being attended with many drawbacks. On some of these were grubs, or caterpillars, or blight, hauoki, (frost), or kahe, (freshets), or the sun was too scorching; besides which there were many other hindrances.

On the irrigated lands wet patches were planted with kalo (taro, the Arum esculentum, or Colocasia antiquorun of the botanists.) Banks of earth were first raised about the. patch and beaten hard, after which water was let in, and when this had become nearly dry, the four banks were re-enforced with stones, coconut leaves and sugar-cane tops, until they were water-tight. Then the soil in the patch was broken up, water let in again, and the earth was well mixed and trampled with the feet².

A line was then stretched to mark the rows, after which the huli, or taro-tops, were planted in the rows. Sometimes the planting was done without the rows being lined in. Water was then constantly kept running into the patch. The first two leaves appear called laupai; the taro attains full size, but it is not until twelve months are past that the tubers are ripe and ready to be made into food.

If potatoes were to be planted, the field was furrowed and water let in, after which the potato-stalks were set out, or, it might be, bananas, yams, or some other things.

When the land has become dry after the first watering, water is turned on again³. The plants are kept weeded out and hilled, and water is turned on from time to time for six months, by which time the potatoes are ripe and fit for food. Such is the cultivation of all irrigable lands.

The cultivation of kula lands is quite different from that of irrigable lands. The farmer merely cleared of weeds as much land as he thought would suffice. If he was to plant taro (upland taro), he dug holes and enriched them with a mulch of kukui leaves, ashes or dirt, after which he planted the taro. In some places they simply planted without mulch or fertilizer.

Taro was constantly weeded until it had grown to be of good size, when it was fit to be made into poi or used as food in some other way. It was twelve months before it was mature and ready for pulling to be made into food.

If a field of potatoes⁴ was desired, the soil was raised into hills, in which the stems were planted; or the stems might merely be thrust into the ground any how, and the hilling done after the plants were grown ; the vines were also thrown back upon the hill. In six months the potatoes were ripe. Such was the cultivation of kula land.

On the kula lands the farms of the aliis were called koele, hakuone, or kuakua, those of the people, mahina-ai.

The island of Niihau was mostly kula and the principal crops were accordingly sweet potatoes, yams, and sugar-cane. There were, however, some taro patches at Waiu, on the windward side, but their extent was small. The people of that island were energetic farmers. They would clear the land and mulch it for many months, until the ground was thickly covered and the mulch had rotted, after which they planted such crops as sweet potatoes, yams, or sugar-cane.

There is kula land on parts of Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, and Lanai, just as on Niihau. The chief crops of these lands are sweet potatoes. There is wet taro-land, however, at Maunalei on Lanai and an abundance of taro. Kahoolawe is made up of kula land, and the principal vegetable is the potato, besides which yams and sugar-cane are produced, but no taro.

There is kula-land on parts of Maui and Hawaii. Kona is the part of Hawaii most exposed to the sun. Because of the prolonged dryness of the weather they frequently suffer from famine in that district. In time of famine the people of Kona performed religious ceremonies with great diligence, and carefully reckoned the months in which to plant.

There were different kinds of farmers. Those who really made a business of it and worked until sunset were called ili-pilo. Those who kept at it for only a short time and did not do much at it were called ili-helo, (dry skin.)

Some husbandmen were provident of the food which they raised, while others wasted it. Those who raised an abundance of food, but used it improvidently, soon came to want because of their wastefulness.

The farmer who raised but little, but was economical in the use of his food did not soon come to want. Those who were economical in the use of their food were nicknamed hoopi – stingy; they did not often come to want.

One reason why people soon ran out of food was because they planted it all at once, so that when it ripened it ripened all at one time. While they were eating of one part another part also was ripe, so they invited their neighbors to help themselves to the food. This was one of the causes why some speedily came to want.

Some farmers did not plant a great deal at a time. They would plant a little now, and, after waiting a few months, they planted more land. So they continued to plant a little at a time during the months suitable for planting. The food did not all ripen at once, and by this plan the supply was kept up for a long time, and they had no lack of food. The necessity of furnishing food to the landlord was a reason for not taxing the land, and it was a means of averting famine from the farmers. Food was a child to be cared for, and it required great care

Farmers were well acquainted with the seasons, the dry and the rainy season, the months suitable for planting potatoes, and those suitable for planting taro.

It was the custom with all farmers, when a crop of food has ripened, to perform a religious service to the gods. Those who worshipped Ku built their lire during the tabu period of Ku; those who worshipped Kane, built the fire during the tabu of Kane. If Lono was the god they worshipped, they built the fire on his day, and if Kanaloa was their God they built the fire in Kaloa.

While they were rubbing for fire and kindling it, no noise or disturbance must be made, but this tabu was removed so soon as fire was obtained. The contents of the oven were made up of vegetables and some sort of meat or fish as well.

When the food was cooked, the whole company were seated in a circle, the food was divided out and each man's portion was placed before him. Then the idol was brought forth and set in the midst of them all, and about its neck was hung the ipit o Lono.

Then the kahuna took of the food and offered it to heaven (lani), not to the idol; because it was believed that the deity was in the heavens, and that the carved image standing before them all was only a remembrancer.

When the priest had offered the food all the people ate until they were satisfied, after which what was left was returned to the owner of it. Such was the practice among those who were religiously inclined; but those who were without a god just ate their food without lighting the sacrificial fire and without performing any service of worship to the gods.

After this ceremony of fire-lighting the man's farm was noa, and he might help himself to the food at any time without again kindling a fire. But every time the farmer cooked an oven of food, before eating of it, he offered to the deity a potato or a taro, laying it on the altar, or putting it on a tree.

Every farmer with a god worshipped him at all times, but the farmers who had no gods did not worship.

NOTES ON CHAPTER 39

¹  Kula was the name applied to such lands as were dry and inaccessible to water except from irrigation. The greater part of every one of the Hawaiian Islands is made up of what is called kula land.  The word kula has been adopted by the English-speaking people of the Hawaiian Islands.  Kula, N. Z., tura, means bald. A long story is told of a man named Tura, who was said to have been the first bald-headed man.

²  The trampling was to make the ground water-proof, i.e. so that the water would not soak entirely away.  

³  It seems unaccountable that Malo should give no description of, nor make direct allusion to, the method of irrigation by ditches with the Hawaiians used with great success, and in which they displayed not a little engineering skill. The course of old, historic irrigation canals can still be pointed out across lands that are dry at the present day, and that for generations have not received a supply of water from any such source.

⁴  The Hawaiians were not acquainted with the so-called Irish potato, which is in reality an American potato, until its introduction by the white man. Their potato was the sweet potato, the kumara of Maori-land, the uala of Hawaii. (N. B.) Lono was the god whose benignity chiefly commended him to the confidence of the farmer. The great god Ku, whose name and character suggest a resemblance to Zeus, was also a frequent object of worship by the same class. There were also many other gods worshipped by farmers.  Back to Contents

 

CHAPTER 40

Concerning Fishing

Fishermen, or those skilled in the art of catching fish, were called poe lawaia. Fishing was associated with religious ceremonies,  or idolatrous worship. The heiaus or altars, at which fishermen performed their religious ceremonies, were of a class different from all others.

There were many different methods of fishing: with nets; with hook and line; with the pa, or troll-hook; with the leho or cowry; with the hina'i, or basket; the method called ko'i¹; and with the hand thrust into holes in the rocks.

The heiau at which fishermen worshipped their patron deity for good luck was of the kind called Kuula²; but as to the gods worshipped by fishermen, they were various and numerous each one worshipping the god of his choice. The articles also that were tabued by one god were different from those tabued by another god.

The god of one fisherman tabued everything that was black, and that fisherman accordingly would not allow anything colored black to appear in what he wore; his wife would not put on a tapa or a pa-u that had black in it, nor have anything black about her house. A line would be stretched about the house to prevent anyone who was robed, or maloed or pa-ued, in black,  from entering the enclosure about their establishment. Nor would he allow any black to appear upon his fishing tackle.

Turmeric was an article that was tabued by some fishing gods, a red earth called alaea⁴ by others. Accordingly fishermen who looked to these gods as their patrons would not suffer the prohibited articles to appear in the apparel of man or woman in their family, and they stretched a line about their establishments to keep from entering therein anyone who had these things about them; nor would they suffer these things to be about their tackle.

The gods of this craft then were of many kinds and their tabus various ; but they were all alike in the fact that, they always worshipped before going forth to fish, and in a manner appropriate to the kind of fish.

The religious ceremonies centered specially about the opelu and aku, and were repeated at every fishing season. There were religious rites relating to other fishes also, but they were not so strict and rigorous as those that related to the opelu and the aku,  and this will appear from the fact that their rite formed part of the observances of the Makahiki. The fish eaten during the summer months of Kau were different as to kind from those eaten during the winter, Hooilo. During Kau the opelu was taken and used for food, during Hooilo the aku – bonito or albicore.  

In the month of Hina'iaeleele (corresponding to July) they took the opelu by means of the kaili³ net and used it for food. The aku was then made tabu, and no man, be he commoner or alii, might eat of the aku; and if any chief or commoner was detected in so doing he was put to death. The opelu was free and might be used as food until the month of Kaelo or January.

Kaelo was the month in which was performed the ceremony of plucking out and eating the eye of the aku. After that was done the aku might be eaten and the opelu in its turn became tabu and might not be eaten, save under pain of death.

Before starting out to fish for the opelu the fishermen would assemble at the kuula heiau in the evening, bringing with them their nets, of the sort called aei, pigs, bananas, coconuts,  poi, and their sleeping apparel, that they might spend the night and worship the god of fishing.

While engaged in this ceremony all the people sat in a circle, and the kahuna, bringing a dish of water that had in it a coarse sea-moss, limu kala, and turmeric, stood in their midst and uttered a prayer for purification (pule huikala).

At the close of the service the kahuna called out,

Hemu oia.
     Defend us from them.

The people responded:

Hemu.
     Defend us.

The priest said :

Hemu na moe inoino, na moemoea,  na punoliunolio⁵,  na haumia.  Hemo oia.
     Save us from night-mare, from bad-luck-dreams, from omens of ill.  From such deliver us.

The people responded :

Hemu!
     Defend us !
    

The priest said :

Elieli !
     Speedily and entirely !

The people responded :

Noa!
     It is free!

The priest said :

la e !
     Oh, Ia !

The people responded :

Noa honua.
     Freedom complete, absolute.

With this the ceremony of purification was ended⁶.

All the people slept that night about the sanctuary (imua). It was strictly forbidden for any one to sneak away secretly to his own house to lie with his wife. They had to spend that night at the sanctuary in the observance of tabu.

When this service was performed the canoes could put to sea, and the pigs were then laid into the ovens for baking. On the return of the men with their fish, the kahunas having offered prayer, the pork, bananas, coconuts and vegetables were laid upon the lele, and the function of the kahuna was ended.

After that the people feasted themselves on the food and religious services were discontinued by express command (papa), because the prayers had been repeated and the whole business was noa, fishing was now free to all.

Thus it was that fishermen, whether those who took the aku with the troll-hook, the pa, or those who used nets, performed their ceremonies of worship. But the godless, i.e., the irreligious or skeptical ones went to their fishing without any religious ceremony whatever.

There was a great variety of implements, apparatus and methods employed by fishermen; large nets and small nets, large baskets and small baskets; some used nets and some used hooks.  Those who used nets sometimes dived under water with them while fishing, but those who used hooks did not dive, unless to clear the hook when it had caught in the reef, and then only if the water was shallow.

The following kinds of fish-nets were used: the papahului,  to surround a school of fish, in conjunction with a net called au-mai-ewa⁷ the aulau, the pakuikui, the papa-olewalewa, the laau melomelo and possibly the kahekahe.

Of nets there was also the kupo⁸, the ka-waa, the kuu, the aei, the pouono, the akiikii, the lu'elu'e, the kaihi, the hano-malolo,  the hano-iao, the kaeeohua, the kaeepaoo, the kaili, the pahu, and the haoa-puhi. Then there was lawaia upalupalu (or ordinary angling), and the upena uluulu.

Of arrangements of fish-hooks, there was the kaka⁹, used in taking the ahi, the kahala, the method called kukaula, the luhe'e, the lii-aku, the ka-mokoi, the ku-mano, lawaia-palu, the haoa-puhi, and Iawaia-upapalu.

Of methods of basket fishing there were the kala basket,  the eel basket, the hinai-houluulu¹⁰, the basket for taking hinalea, the kawa'a basket, the pa'ilohua basket, and the pa'i-o'opu. Probably some of the baskets have failed of mention.

Some fish were taken by diving for them. Of such were the turtle, the lobster, the manini, the kala, and others for which the fishermen dived when they saw them entering holes in the rocks.

There were some who engaged in fishing on a large scale,  and were called Lawaia nui, while those who worked on a small scale were called lawaia liilii.

The professional fisherman, who worked on a large scale and was in comfortable circumstances, carried such tackle as hooks, lines, etc., in a calabash or ipu, (the full name of which is ipii-holoholona), while the petty fisherman who worked on a small scale, carried his tucked away in the bight or knot (hipu'u)  of his malo, and such fishermen were called lawaia-pola-malo.

The name ko'a or ko'a-lawaia was applied to certain places in the deep sea where fish haunted. Thus the place where the ahi were wont to be found was called a ko'a-ahi, and that where the aku or the kahala or opelu were to be found, was called a ko'a-aku or a ko'a-kahala or a ko'a-opelu, and so on.

These ko'a-lawaia were so deep under water that the eye failed to perceive them, nor could the fish be seen when swimming over them, nor when they seized the hook. In order to find them it was necessary to take one's bearings from the land.  Two bearings were required, and where these were found to intersect, there was the ko'a, and there the fisherman let down his hook or his net.

When the fish took the hook, a quiver ran along the line and was communicated to the hand of the fisherman, whereupon he at once pulled in the line. Such was deep sea fishing.

When the fish were in shoal water their presence could be detected, if it were a sandy bottom. Among the fishes that haunted waters with a sandy bottom were the weke, oio, welea,  akule, and many other kinds of fish.

If it was on a bank that the fish were seen, then they were probably of the kind known as ma'oma'o or palapala¹¹.

Some fish played about on the surface of the water, as did the flying fish, malolo, the puhikii, ua'u, iheihe, keke'e, aha,  and many others.

Some kinds of fish haunted caverns and holes, as did the shark, eel, lobster, squid and many others. There were fishermen who took every kind of fish except the whale ; that was not taken by Hawaiian fishermen.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 40

¹ This was a method of fishing in which a long, stiff pole was used, with a strong line and hook attached. The hook was baited by preference with a tough fish such as the paoo. The baited hook was then drawn back and forth over the surface of the water to attract the prey. From this word comes no doubt the familiar word mokoi', to angle with pole, hook and line.

² Kuula: this was generally a mere rude pile of stones,  often placed on a promontory or elevation overlooking the. sea. Coral or some sort of limestone was preferred to any other variety of stone. The altar itself was commonly called a ko'a, Kuula being the name of the chief patron deity of fishermen. The number of gods and godlings worshipped by fishermen is too numerous for mention.  Remark. Altars of stone were erected and visible until a recent date at Maliko, Honuaula, Oloalu. and Kaupo on Maui; on the island of Kahoolawe; at Kaena and Kaohai on Lanai; at Waimea, Ka-lae-o-ka-oio,  Kua-loa and Waimanalo on Oahu; at Hanalei, Mana, and Moloaa on Kauai; and at very many other places. A notable place was at the promontory southeast of Waimea, Oahu.

³ Kaili: a name applied to the fine-mouthed net used for taking the opelu. It was also called aei. The mouth of the net was kept open by means of two sticks of the elastic ulei wood. After the net had been let down under water, it's mouth was made round by means of two lines that were attached to the ends of the sticks. On pulling these lines the sticks were bent, and the mouth of the net was drawn info a circular form.

⁴ Alaea; the Hawaiian word shows the loss of consonants. The Tahitian word is araca, the Maori, Karamea.

⁵ Punohunohu: clouds, especially the bright piled up clouds seen in early morning, which were looked upon as ominous of something.

⁶ This prayer is very similar to that given in Chapter 27, and it seems to me that "He mu" should be written here as two separate words.

⁷ Au-mai-ewa. This net had a large mouth, and was placed at the wings of the papa-hului to receive the fish that were gathered by the former. The aulau consisted of leaves thickly strung to a long line, used to pen up the fish and drive them to the net.

Pakuikui: in this a net is laid in a hollow or ravine in the coral through which the fish must pass in their retreat sea-ward, the water being at the same time beaten to drive them towards the net.

Papa-olewalewa; a net used in much the same way as the pa-kuikui but in deep water and in conjunction with the laau melo-melo.

Laau melo-melo; a clublike stick, which after being charred, was anointed with oils whose odor was attractive to the fish, and then thrust info the water to draw the fish by its fragrance.

Kahekahe; a method in which a large net was placed in deep water, in a place where the current or some opportunity for feeding caused the fish to assemble.  Another method called by this same name, was that in which the fish were attracted to the net by bait artfully strewn in the water.

⁸ Kupo; a long net stretched across the track of fish, one end being anchored in deep, the other in shoal water.

Ka-wa'a; a net used in the deep sea, the fish being driven in by thrashing the water or pelting it with stones.

Kuu; a generic name for almost1 any kind of net that was let down into the water.

The aei, said to be the same as the kaili described in Note ⁽³⁾. The mouth was held open by long sticks of ulei, the fish being attracted with bait.

Pouono; a long net that was stretched across an ocean ravine or gully, while men beat the water with sticks.

Akiikii; a net of moderate size used in ambuscading fish. The rocks in front of the net were upturned to give the fish a new feeding ground.  After waiting awhile, the water was beaten to drive the fish towards the net.

Lu'elu'e; a net of moderate size, in which bait having been placed, it was let down into deep water, out of sight of the fisherman. At the point of juncture of the two lines which cross the mouth of the net, where is attached the line that leads to the fisherman's hand, is also attached a short line with bait at its free end. When the fisherman feels the line quiver from the entrance of the fish or from its pulling at the bait, he hauls up the net.

Kaihi; said to be a fine meshed net that takes all kinds of fish, similar to the kaili.

Hano-malolo; a long net held by two canoes, while two others drove the fish into its open mouth.

Hano-iao; a fine meshed net for taking small fish, to be used as bait.

Kaee-ohua; a small net that was held open by means of two sticks held in the hands of the fisherman. It was used in shoal water.

Kaee-paoo; the same as the kae-ohua, only that it had but one stick for a handle. The kaili, already mentioned and the same as the aei.  By some it is said to be a net with fine meshes, used only in shoal water and over a sandy bottom, and to take all kinds of fish, a grab-all.

Pahu; a net two or three fathoms long, used by two men in shoal water,  who at the same time thrashed with long sticks at the wings of the net to drive in the fish. Haoa-puhi; a short piece of hard wood tapering to a sharp point at each end, with a line attached to its middle; it was baited and lashed to the end of a stick that served as a handle, by means of which it was thrust into the hiding places of the eel. On being swallowed by the fish, the line was drawn taut, and the haoa was turned crosswise in the gullet of the fish.

Upalupalu, ordinary angling. When the baited hook was thrown as in fly fishing, to a particular spot on the surface of the wafer, it was called pa aeo.

The uluulu is described as a small net having two sticks to open its mouth, one of which was held in each hand. With this the fisherman dived deep down under water.

⁹ Kaka, in which a number of hooks are attached to a single line, much used in a deep-sea fishing.  

Kahala, in which a net made of very strong cord is used to take the shark, called also the hihi-mano.

Kukaula. In this method the canoe was anchored in water said not to exceed ten fathoms in depth, that being about the length of line at which the pull of a fish taking the hook could be detected at once by the hand of the fisherman. They did, however, fish at greater depths than this.

Luhe'e; a method of squidding in which a large cowry, coupled with a stone sinker, is attached to the hook, the color and lustre of the shell offering an irresistible fascination to the octopus. The instrument itself is called Ieho-he'e, the method luhee.

Hi aku; the use of the pa in trolling for the aku, (pa hi aku) being the full name for the instrument. It consists of a hook of human bone fixed to a plate of mother of pearl. Various modifications of this trollhook are found in the different islands of the Pacific.

Ka-mokoi, ordinary fishing with hook, line, and rod.

Ku-mano', taking the shark with bait and a noose.

Lawaia-palu, attracting fish by means of bait scattered on the water.

Lawaia-upapalu. In this as in fly fishing, the hook is thrown to a desired spot.

¹⁰ Hinai houluulu, a basket with which a fisherman would dive down under water to take certain fish.  Hinalea, a small fish much esteemed for its flavor.  

The pai-o'opu was a hat-shaped basket used to take the oopu, a sweet and delicate fish found in mountain streams and fresh water ponds.

¹¹ Ma'oma'o or palapalai; the fishes of this or allied species of fish were marked with stripes or patches of bright color, like ripe autumn leaves, one being the lauhau.  Back to Contents

CHAPTER 41

Sports and Games: Ume

From the most ancient times down to the reign of Liholiho, Kamehameha II, there was a great variety of games practiced by the people. In the month of Ikuwa¹, October, the coming of the Makahiki season was indicated by the display of flags², and the people left their ordinary worship of idols, and joined with the chiefs in the practice of games and sports.

Ume was a pastime that was very popular with all the Hawaiians. It was an adulterous sport and was played in the following manner. A large enclosure⁴, or pa, was made in the midst of or close to the town.

This done, all the people took hold and helped to collect a large quantity of faggots ; and when it came night a bonfire was started, which made it as light as day, and all the people gathered together.

When all were seated in a circle within the enclosure, a man stood forth as the president⁵ of the assembly and called them to order. Another man also came forward and chanted a gay and lascivious song, waving in his hand the while a long wand⁶ which was trimmed at intervals with tufts of bird-feathers. He waved this to and fro as he moved about, repeating at the same time the words of his song.

As he made his circuit, passing in front of the people, he selected⁷ the fine-looking women and the handsome men, and the man and woman whom he indicated by touching them with his wand went out and enjoyed themselves together.

A husband would not be jealous of or offended at his own wife, if she went out with another man, nor would a wife be angry with her own husband because he went out to enjoy another woman, because each of them would have done the same thing if they had been touched with the ume-stick.

During the nights while this game was being played the man consorted with the woman that pleased him, and the woman with the man that pleased her; and when daylight⁸ came the husband returned to his own wife and the wife to her own husband.

Owing to these practices, the affections of the woman were often transferred to the man, her partner⁹, and the affections of the man to the woman who was his partner; so that the man would not return to his former wife, nor the woman to her former husband. This was the way ume was played. Another name for this sport was touched by the wand.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 41

¹ I-ku-wa, the month corresponding to October or November, said to be so called from the thunder often heard at that time.

² This display of flags was a natural expression of joy and enthusiasm.

³ The statement that the people at the time of Makahiki left their idol-worship and indulged in games, is misleading in more than one respect, 1st. The assumption that the worship of the Hawaiians was mere idol-worship is not for a moment to be credited; one has but to consider the prayers they offered to be convinced of the opposite. 2nd. The same spirit of worship inspired the ceremonies of this Makahiki festival as pervaded the other tabu-periods of the year. The Makahiki festival was sacred to Lono, and the worship of the other gods was suspended for the time.

³ Ume was a plebeian sport. No chief of high rank, or who greatly respected himself, would think of being present at the performance of this game. Not because of its immorality, not that, but because it was not a place where he would meet his peers. Chiefs of low rank went, because they were of low rank and did not greatly respect themselves. The sport of this nature at which the chief should attend was kilu, which will soon be described.

⁴ It is an error to assert that ume was generally played in an open court or enclosure. It was in a house that it was chiefly played. In Honolulu – which by the way was in ancient times called Kou – the hale ume was situated where Bishop's Bank now stands.

⁵ The president of the assembly was called the ano-haler i.e., the one who kept the house quiet, orderly.

⁶ The one who carried the wand was called the mau, and the wand itself was called the maile.

⁷ The selection was not left to the uninfluenced judgment of the mau. The man indicated his choice to the mau, the wand-bearer, at the same time putting into his hands some thing of value as an inducement, to be given to the woman, perhaps to be passed on to her husband in return for his complaisance. Sometimes, when the pair got outside, the woman would refuse to have anything to do with the man, and they returned at once to the hale ume.

⁸ The word ho-ao, which was the ancient word that meant the most legitimate form of marriage, was derived from this staying together until daylight, ao. For a man and woman to make a night of it together and to stay with each other until ao, morning was equivalent to a declaration of marriage. This temporary union for a night was termed omau, in distinction from hoao. Virgins and unmarried women did not as a rule attend at the hale-ume. Ume, as said before, was not a game for the aliis, but for the common people. The woman could of course do something in the way of management, but she could not actually refuse to go out with the man who had chosen her.

⁹ If the man took his new wife to his home, it was for the new favorite to say whether the former woman might stay on the promises. The children belonged to the man. The meaning of the word u-me is to draw, to attract. "E ume mai ia'u; e hahai makou mamuli ou." Draw me; we will run after thee. Song of Solomon, 4:1.  Back to Contents

 

CHAPTER 42

Sports and Games: Kilu

Kilu was a very favorite sport with the ancient Hawaiians. It was played in the same enclosure as nine. One night nine would be played, another night kilu. They were both licentious sports. The manner of playing kilu was as follows:

The company were seated in a circle within the enclosure. On one side were set a number of pobs, (broad-based, pointed cylinders), and opposite to them, on the other side, about ten fathoms away, an equal number of pobs.

The players sat immediately behind these pobs or posts, five or more on each side, together with the tally-keepers of the game. Then the one who acted as president of the game stood up and called aloud "Puheoheo"; and the whole assembly answered, "Puheoheo-heo."

Order was at once established; and if any one made a disturbance they set fire to his clothing. Silence having been secured, the kilus with which the game was to be played, were placed in front of those who were to play the game.

The kilu was a gourd (or cocoanut shell) that had been cut obliquely from one end to the other. Before beginning the play, the tally-keeper, or helu-ai, holding a kilu in his hand, addressed the tally-keeper of the other side in a low tone of voice, and stated the name, or purpose of the kilu, saying, for instance, "this kilu is a love-token; it is a kissing kilu (kilu honi)"

The tally-keeper on the other side then replied in a low tone giving the name of some person on his side.( O ka mea aloha kapa mai.)

This done, the tally-keepers gave the kilus into the hands of the two players. Each of the players chanted an oli before he began to play. If the kilu thrown by one of the players hit the pob on the other side at which he aimed, his tally-keeper in a loud tone said,

A uwe-ewe ke ko'e a ke kae,
     Now wriggles the worm to its goal,

Puehuehu ka la, komo inoino,
     What a towselling: a hasty entrance

Kakia, kahe ka ua ilalo.
     Pinned: down falls the rain.

The successful player then crossed over and claimed a kiss in payment for his success, because the forfeit of the kilu was to be kissing. They continued to play till one of them scored ten and that one was declared the winner. Sometimes one side would celebrate the victory by dancing. The play was kept up till morning and resumed the following night.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 42

 Kilu was a select and aristocratic game to which none but aliis were admitted. The king and queen were not above participating in the pleasures of this sport. Any chief of recognized rank in the papa alii was admitted. Once admitted to the hall in which the sport was indulged in, all were peers and stood on an equal footing as to the privileges and rules of the game. King nor queen could claim exemption from the rules of the game, nor deny to any one the full exercise of the privileges acquired under the rules.

There was a greater outward propriety and a certain show of regard for etiquette in the playing of kilu, which must have been wanting in ume, but the motive of the game was in each case the same. The men sat grouped at one end of the hall, the women at the other. The players, five or more in number of each sex, sat facing each other in advance of the spectators, separated by an interval, which must have been less than the "ten fathoms" at which David Malo places it. The floor, at least that portion of it which lay between the players, was covered with matting. (In the game of ume it was strewn with rushes). The players were probably selected by the president who was termed the la-anoano, i.e., quiet day. In front of each player was placed, what, for lack of a better name, I have termed a pob (following the terminology of the game of quoits), which was nothing more or less than a conical block of heavy wood broad at the base, to keep it upright.

The kilu, with which the game was played, was a dish made by cutting in two an egg-shaped coconut shell obliquely from one side of the point to the eyes, thus making a somewhat one-sided dish. The object of the player was to cast his kilu so that it should travel with a sliding, and at the same time a rotary, motion, across the floor and hit'the pob that stood in front of the woman of his choice. The woman also took her turn in playing after the man. A successful hit entitled a player to claim a kiss from his opponent, a toll which it was customary to demand the payment of at once.

The successful making of ten points in the game entitled one to claim the same forfeit as in the game of ume. But such rights were often commuted for, on grounds of wise policy, at the request of the victor, by an equivalent of land or some other possession. Still no fault could be found if a player demanded the full payment of the forfeit. The two did not, however, retire for that purpose at the time that would have been contrary to etiquette but did so later in the night, after the company had separated.

A game of kilu was often gotten up by one alii as a compliment to distinguished visitors of rank. It was a supreme expression of hospitality, and was not an empty phrase, as when the Spanish don says to his guest "all that I have is yours." I have succeeded in obtaining the following specimen of an oli which is such as might have been recited by a contestant in kilu before playing

Ula Kala'e-loa i ka lepo a ka makani,
     Ruddy glows Kalae-loa through the wind-blown dust.

Hoonuanua na pua i Kalamaula,
     Plump and lush are the flowers at Lamaula,

He hoa i ka La'i-a-ka-manu,
     A partner in the songs of the birds,

Manu ai ia i ka hoa laukona.
     A sea-bird that spoils the beauties, spite of the duenna,

I keke'e lauaua ia e ka moe
     His stinginess is that he is jealous of his protege's bed.

E kuhi ana ia he kanaka e.
     He was thinking me to be a stranger.

Oau no keia mai luna a lalo.
     I am myself from crown to sole.

Huna ke aloha, pe'e maloko,
     Hidden has been my love, pent' up within,

Ike'a i ka uwe ana iho.
     Shown by my weeping over you.

Pela ka hoa kamalii,
|     That is the way with a child-friend.

He uwe wale ke kamalii.
     A child weeps for a trifle..

In old times the site on which now stands Bishop's Bank was occupied by a house in which kilu and ume were wont to be played. Kala'e-loa was the full name of the place on Molokai ordinarily known as Kalae. La'i-a-ka-manu is the name of a land near Kala'e-loa. In the use of this word a double meaning is evidently intended, i.e., a reference both to the land so-called and to the song of the birds. Hawaiian poetry depended upon this trick to produce its chief effects.

Laukona, applies to one who is jealous and watchful of one under his care.

REMARK. In justice to the ancient Hawaiians it should be stated that there existed a more respectable class among them, who disapproved of the debauchery of the ume and kilu, and endeavored to keep their children away from the places where those games were played.  Back to Contents

CHAPTER 43: Sports and Games: Puhenehene